5 Steps to More Productive Workdays.


Get Organized: 5 Steps for a More Productive Workday
You probably know you could be making better use of your time at work. But how do you do it?
There are a few tricks to being more productive, and the five steps outlined below will explain exactly how to get there.
It's not easy. To truly be a more productive person, you'll need to cultivate habits, rather than rely on quick-fixes. But there are some things you can do to help yourself pick up those new habits. You'll also find there are many mobile apps, software programs, and tech services that can help guide you toward a more productive workday.



1 Map Your Productivity Cycle

The most important thing you can do to boost your productivity at work is first get to know your productivity cycle. Everyone has times during the day when they are able to focus, and other times when their attention wanes. Although everyone has her own best hours for getting work done, "for most people, the most productive hours are first thing in the day—not when you first wake up, but relatively early," says Dan Ariely, behavioral economist and professor at Duke University. Ariely has a keen interest in figuring out how to use mobile apps for personal self-improvement. "For example," he added, "doing email in the morning is usually wasteful because the minutes in the morning are more valuable." Not all minutes are created equal.
Figuring out your periods of high and low productivity, or high and low capacity, as Ariely prefers to call them, is the first step then in making the most of those precious, fleeting minutes.
While many people think they know which times of day they are at their best and worst, it doesn't hurt to check. RescueTime is by far the best tool I've found for figuring out your productivity cycle. RescueTime is a small desktop application that records which programs you use and what sites you visit throughout the day, and for how long. It classifies those different apps and sites (very productive, productive, neutral, distracting, or very distracting) and generates a report about how you spend your time. For example, social networking sites are "very distracting" by default. (You can reclassify any sites and programs if the defaults aren't accurate for you.) You can also tell a lot about your productivity cycle by watching how often you switch tasks.
I recommend using RescueTime for at least a week before analyzing your report. Try to use it without changing your normal behavior. The point is not to be a model employee for a week. It's to figure out when are your natural moments for high and low capacity.
When you have some data, take a look at the times of day when you spent a good chunk of time (40 minutes or more) on one, highly productive task. Now look for times of day when you were less productive, switching quickly among different tasks or spending long stretches of time on distractions.
For example, I'm at my most focused between roughly 9 a.m. and 11 a.m. Then my productivity decreases. I'm usually very distracted around lunchtime. Sometimes, but not always, I have another strong period of productivity in the afternoon, but it's not reliable.
The next step is knowing what to do with that information.

2 Change Your Routine

Once you know your productivity cycle, you should change your routine to fit it.
For example, start scheduling meetings for times of day when you have lower focus. Meetings rarely require us to be at our best. So, for example, make it a habit to never take morning meetings if mornings are your productive time.
Conversely, tackle your most important, high-focus tasks during the times of day when your mind is at its best. Often, we don't schedule our most important work. We just get to it when we can. That's okay, as long as you make it a habit to do it during the times of day when you can truly focus.
Seeing as most people can do high-focus tasks earlier, get into the habit of launching only the programs that you use for these tasks during your peak productivity hours. For example, if email is not very productive for you, don't open it. Just don't even launch the program. If you really need to check your email, glance through your inbox on your mobile phone or tablet, and then put it away so you can get back to the tasks that really demand your attention.
What if much of your high-productivity work happens in the browser, but your biggest time-wasters are there, too? There are a few tricks for minimizing distractions of this sort. For starters, you could put the active tab into full-screen mode. That will help you stay with the task at hand. You can also install browser plug-ins and extensions that lock you out of websites you specify. My favorite is called StayFocusd for Chrome. You can find more recommendations in my article about how to stay focused.

3 Review Your Day, Everyday

140805_getorg_anydomoment Another change to make to your routine: Make it a habit to always review your day before it starts. Look over your calendar and your to-do list first thing so you won't be caught off-guard for a 3 p.m. meeting you scheduled two weeks ago. Whether it's over your first cup of coffee or while commuting, having a single moment (and it should be the same moment everyday to make it a habit) to review your plans for the whole day really makes a difference.
Creating a new habit of reviewing your day everyday is easier said than done. One mobile app that can help remind you is Any.Do, which has a feature called the AnyDo Moment. The AnyDo Moment plays a pleasant tone and pushes a notification at the same time every weekday telling you it's time to review your day. The app then lists everything on your calendar and to-do list and asks whether you want to keep it on the schedule or move it to another day.

4 Schedule Breaks

Take your breaks. And not just one break for lunch. Your mind needs to refresh itself if you're going to be the most productive person you can be.
140805_getorg_idelalert I am a huge fan of activity trackers for fitness, and one feature in a few of them that I love is a silent alarm. You can set an alarm that causes your fitness band to vibrate at a certain time of day, silently. I like to set it for 4 p.m. sharp, when I know I should take a break whether I think I need one or not. Even just getting out of my chair to walk to the kitchen and wash out my coffee cup is enough to get my eyes away from the computer screen for a bit.
Some activity trackers also have idle alerts. These alarms cause the tracker to vibrate if you've been sitting still for a period of time, usually one hour. They are designed to remind you to get up and move, but I think they're equally valuable as reminders to stop working for two minutes and take a break. You might also want to install a break app, a lightweight program that reminds you take breaks and can even lock you out of your computer for a short period of time to force the issue. Our favorite is a Mac app called TimeOut Free.
Another good one for Windows, Mac, and browsers is called Focus Booster.

5 Line Up End-of-Day Chores

Imagine your day is going along just swimmingly. Then 4:40 p.m. hits. You try to keep busy. It feels like eternity goes by! Then you glance down at the clock again, and...it's 4:42 p.m.
How often do you waste those final 20 minutes at the end of the day? How many hours does it equal in a month? How much of that time do you spend on social networking sites or texting your friends?
Kick that habit by lining up a few end-of-day chores. Try to make them something you like to do, but that might be considered busy work. Some examples include:

  • filing papers
  • following up on old emails
  • dumping your computer's cache
  • deleting your browser's history
  • returning phone calls
  • wiping the dust and crumbs from your desk, keyboard, and monitor.
If you have a short list of options ahead of time for tasks you can do at the end of the day, you're more likely to actually do one of them. Make a note in your calendar, or even just leave a sticky note near your desk with some ideas to serve as reminders. Come 4:45 p.m. on Friday, your eye will probably wander over to them.
pcmag.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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