How Cesc Fàbregas left his backstory behind and found a home at Chelsea.

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On Sunday Cesc Fàbregas comes up against his former club Arsenal and the player that made the Gunners decide they did not want him back, Mesut Özil
Cesc Fàbregas, Chelsea
Cesc Fàbregas has made a huge impact at Chelsea since joining from Barcelona in the summer. Photograph: Carlos Rodrigues/Getty Images
Home has always been a portable concept in football but it is still hard to recall a more complex collision of domestic loyalties than Cesc Fàbregas’s first Premier League reunion with Arsenal at Stamford Bridge on Sunday afternoon.
It is in its own way a very modern kind of tongue twister. Here is a footballer playing a home match against the home-from-home club he left for his home club back home three years ago. But who has still rarely looked as at home anywhere as he has in the last six weeks in Chelsea blue. Confused? You should be. It is confusing.

What is clear is that Fàbregas has so far made a near-perfect return to London. Eight games into the season he has seven assists and one goal for his new club. Chelsea are in cruise mode at the top of the Premier League. And Arsenal’s former captain is arguably the player of the domestic season so far having demonstrated from his role as pivot and chief metronome the full range of his distribution skills: not just the ability to massage the tempo of a game, but that familiar eye for an incisive, defence-cleaving pass.
And yet, Sunday afternoon presents a different kind of challenge for a player for whom notions of home have always been unusually pronounced and unusually present. “I return home after eight years,” he said, memorably, at his unveiling at Barcelona in 2011. “Arsenal is in my heart and always will be,” he told the Guardian this time last year. “I will always feel a Gunner,” he told El País after leaving Catalonia again this summer. In the middle of which public avowals of third party affection Chelsea’s supporters could be forgiven for wondering if their star midfielder is on the verge of playing a vital London derby against his second favourite club while wearing the colours of his third.
This is, of course, more than a little unfair. Fàbregas represents something far more interesting: the first really high profile vagrant of Europe’s elite level academy system, and a genuinely sui generis high-class cross-border footballer in his own right. Given the trajectory of his career there is even a kind of paradox in Fàbregas’s vaguely mawkish dual-attachment to the club teams of his adolescence. It is hard to think of a player with such an illustrious international trophy haul – two European championships and one World Cup by the age of 27 – who is yet to experience a similarly defining moment of success at club level. Fàbregas may love his clubs: but it is at club level that he remains a slightly wandering figure.
Twice Chelsea’s headline summer signing has hitched his fortunes to a champion club in mild but significant decline. At Arsenal his emergence in the season of the Invincibles – already hailed as the best player at Fifa’s under-17 world championship the previous summer – was supposed to signal the start of a decisive red dawn. Instead Fàbregas played through five seasons of congealment, a lingering star of the austerity years, leaving eventually with a single FA Cup winner’s medal to his name.
It is 11 years ago this month since he became Arsenal’s youngest player, making his debut aged 16 in a League Cup tie against Rotherham. The following year Fàbregas threw pizza at Sir Alex Ferguson at Old Trafford and took Patrick Vieira’s No4 shirt. He played brilliantly en route to the 2006 Champions League final and over the next five years made more chances, laid on more assists and scored more goals than either Xavi or Andrés Iniesta at Barcelona. Instead he ended up playing through a period when fourth place and a servicing of the stadium debt became the priorities, and his own departure always seemed to be lurking as an economic inevitability.
 
After which his three seasons at Camp Nou were equally bitty. In true Fàbregas style – this is a statistically prodigious footballer – he still scored 28 goals for Barcelona in 96 matches (Iniesta has 33 in 335) and had 32 assist in his three seasons, almost twice as many as Xavi and only eight fewer than Lionel Messi. But there was a listlessness to Fàbregas at Barcelona, a sense of a player who offered exactly the wrong kind of ballast to a listing team already well-served with ball-playing midfielders; and where he found himself playing as a winger, false nine, or plain old nine under Pep Guardiola and often as a deeper playmaker in the Tito-Tata years.
Indeed if there is a freshness about Fàbregas in his short Chelsea career to date perhaps this is because for the first time in three years he has a settled, defined position. Plus for the first time he finds himself at the heart of a club in the process of an expensive and purposeful refit.
“[Cesc] has made a huge impact,” John Terry said in midweek after another insistent and incisive performance in Lisbon. “I know you kind of expect that from him but most of our chances come from him opening up defences. Not a lot of people can see the passes he does let alone make it. He has been a great addition to us and long may he continue opening up defences.”.
There has, naturally, been some fine tuning required to accommodate this. Fàbregas may offer a degree of subtlety and control that was missing the year before. But the downside has been that at times Chelsea have looked a little undermanned in central areas, most noticeable against Schalke at Stamford Bridge where Nemanja Matic was often the only defensive presence behind a de facto front five. José Mourinho has tinkered since, playing Ramires as an auxiliary central midfielder in the draw at the Etihad, before returning to the 4-2-3-1 that led to Fàbregas make more passes against Aston Villa (144 in total) than Fabian Delph and Tom Cleverley combined.
Either way it is hard not to wonder a little at Arsenal’s reluctance to take up their first option when it became clear Fàbregas had been told to find another club. There were some vague whispers of a chronic knee problem but Fàbregas has looked mobile enough so far while playing all but nine minutes of Chelsea’s Premier League and Champions League season to date. With Arsenal arriving at Stamford Bridge with only the rusty little corporal Mathieu Flamini fully fit in central midfield, and without any player of genuine, seasoned A-list authority in that position, it seems even odder Arsène Wenger passed on the chance to ensure Fàbregas was in red rather than blue on Sunday afternoon.
“They told me now Özil was there, there was no need for me,” Fàbregas has said, and it is a fascinating comparison. Mesut Özil, the A-lister whose presence is at times so diffuse and intangible, versus Fàbregas, whose basic effectiveness stacks up against the best, but who has, until now, often seemed an ill-fitting piece. So far, at a club, finally, without ties or baggage or his own tailored backstory, he has looked entirely at home.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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