Obama's done plenty, so why won't he tell us?


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Obama tries to move on after big GOP win

STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • Jay Parini: Many impressed by Obama in 2008 let down. What changed about him?
  • He's done much: Brought down unemployment, saved economy, brought health care reform
  • But he doesn't communicate this. Why? Perhaps he doesn't believe in himself, he says
  • Parini: Especially on foreign policy, my hope is he'll better spell out his hopes for the world
(CNN) -- I'm obviously not the only one disappointed in Barack Obama.
I thought he would be another Reagan in at least one respect: He'd be a great communicator. Listening to his speeches in 2008, I thought that this man could connect. He had energy and vision, hope and strength.
So what happened?
Jay Parini
Jay Parini
Somewhere along the way, disturbingly early in his first term, he fizzled as a communicator.
It's not that he didn't do good things.
He brought the American economy back from the brink of another Great Depression, and (by comparison with our counterparts in Europe) we are doing extremely well. Jobs are back, with unemployment steadily falling, and the stock market has soared, thus underpinning the retirement hopes of millions who rely on equity portfolios to sustain them in their old age.
We have discontinued pursuing "wars of choice," although it may take generations to recover from the mistake of invading Iraq, which will cost the American taxpayers two trillion bucks -- with health care for veterans taxing our children and grandchildren for years to come.
Obama withdrew somewhat precipitously from Iraq, putting too much faith in the Shia-led government in Baghdad and giving ISIS an opening. He may have done this in part out of frustration over the Shia-led government's inability to provide legal protections for American troops that would have remained.
But in truth, he handled the situation pretty well in the end, as ISIS is sputtering out, slowly but surely. Indeed, ISIS was always a ragtag (if singularly vicious) group surrounded by natural and powerful enemies, including Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Hezbollah in Lebanon. They were a flash in the pan, though a painful one.
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As for Ebola, this seems now under broad control, with the number of cases declining. Ebola was always a greatly exaggerated fear, though obviously a cause for concern that requires vigilance.
But this was the ISIS and Ebola election, with panic at high levels on both fronts around the country. And it was widely perceived that Obama was not reacting in a strong way to these threats, even though -- in my view -- he was actually doing quite a lot on both fronts behind the scenes.
His mantra has famously been "don't do stupid stuff," and this has largely been a good and rare thing, even if critics pounce on this as a sign of his being a wimp. George W. Bush was no wimp, but look where that got us! He made the worst foreign policy decision in recent history when he invaded Iraq, setting in motion waves of instability that it will take a generation to quell and subsidize.
Health care has, of course, been the main focus of "hope and change" for Obama, and yet he was also defeated in this midterm election by Obamacare; denouncing it became a mantra for his political enemies. Yet apart from its initial rollout problems, Obamacare has been a measured success, allowing large numbers of previously uninsured American to have access to health care.
The rollout problem was not just the result of too much interest in the program, though there certainly was that. It was a flawed website that couldn't handle the demand, and it was a management failure not to have sufficiently tested the system before it went online. But the state-run insurance exchanges have largely been a success: Even Mitch McConnell has been forced to support the way the exchange has worked in Kentucky, although he doesn't support the benefits of this program for people in other states!
One would have thought the considerable positive effects of Obamacare, including the widely reported reduction in health care costs, would have helped Democrats. But that didn't happen.
Let's face it, Obama did a lousy job of making the success of his health care program understandable to the wider public. He also did a lousy job of consulting with Republicans about this program before it was passed, and he seems curiously disinterested in actually talking with the American people about his successes, although he will occasionally give a speech and, in what seems like a bored way, recite his accomplishments.
The problem is, I suspect, that he doesn't believe in himself. He isn't willing to buy his own story.
There must be many reasons for this. Richard Falk, in a good article in Foreign Policy last summer, notes that, in fact, Obama has never felt confident in separating from the macho rhetoric of Bush. He has spoken repeatedly about America's right to act on its own in the world, saying (for instance) in one speech at West Point: "I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being." What he offers is, according to Falk, a "watered down neoconservertive global agenda"-- but doesn't really seem to believe what he's saying, as he walks every assertion like one this back in due course.
It's clear enough from his actions in Iraq and Afghanistan that he actually wants the U.S. to exert less, not more, military presence abroad, and to work with coalitions and within the confines of international law, like any other civilized nation. We are not the only country in the world, however much we like to imagine we are.
It's crucial that we work in partnership with other countries. What better time to do this than now, when much of the industrialized world seems very much anti-authoritarian and democratic? We should consider Europe and Japan, India, Israel, and most countries in Latin America our natural allies in the movement toward a peaceable world, where economic stability and human rights are respected.
I will dare to hope that, in the waning years of his presidency, Barack Obama might actually begin to communicate with the American people about his real dreams for a better world.
Not doing stupid stuff is fine. But it's not everything. And he knows that already.
cnn.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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