For Spambots, Flattery Gets You Everywhere.

Fake accounts can lead to real emotions.

Kevan/Flickr/The Atlantic
Spam is the Internet's eternal squatter, the unwanted roommate who sees no reason to pay rent, yet borrows the Netflix password and regularly clogs the plumbing. But for whatever reason, we put up with it.
So, when spam gets kicked out, we celebrate—at least, we usually do. In December, when Instagram purged countless spam accounts, users whose popularity depended mainly on their army of followers lamented their loss. They missed the bots. The bots boosted their influence, even if that influence was artificial.
Of course, the bots weren't sophisticated followers these users needed; they had just become part of a new playing field. Social media sites like Instagram had allowed bots to inflate follower counts without incentivizing users to delete or report them. Ignore the bots, and the bots give you more likes and followers—what's wrong with that?

Plenty, said James Caverlee, a computer science professor at Texas A&M who studies the nature of spam on social media. In an email, Caverlee explained the human-bot relationship:
For spammers, there are a multitude of goals—some are aggressively promoting a product, some are trying to spread malware and phishing links, some are promoting some propaganda, some are just adding noise to the system, while others may be trying to build social capital (e.g., by accumulating followers or insinuating their way into your network) for some down-the-road reason.
For individuals, what is the reaction to those actions? Well, if a Twitter user's feed is suddenly filled with low-quality tweets from spam/robot accounts, then I would imagine a strong disincentive to use Twitter any more. But if the bots are engaged in increasing follower counts or favoriting tweets, then I can definitely see users treating that engagement as much more innocuous, if not somewhat favorable.
To him, the new relationship between human users and robot spam isn't just a product of the changing landscape. It's a product of spambots reflecting the way users act online so they can avoid detection and deletion, by adopting a new personality. I'm calling this personality "the confidence bot."
The confidence bot is spam that acts like con artists. This spam doesn't bombard inboxes with dummy text and links to potentially harmful web sites. This spam doesn't act like spam at all: It flatters—or tries to make a user feel flattered—by benignly interacting with the user as a means to eventually achieve whatever ends it was meant to achieve (gaining back followers, promoting links, obtaining user information).
Manipulative spam isn't new: In 2008, Caverlee first studied spam targeting MySpace, and found the most successful spam profiles were deceptive ones that uses pornographic images to lure and influence users. In 2010, Caverlee conducted a followup study to observe Twitter, where he found that "social spammers" fell into certain "personalities." These bots followed simple, but different behavioral patterns: For example, "promoters" targeted businesses with sophisticated tweets and links, while "friend infiltrators" created seemingly legitimate profiles asking for follows back. And bots on the whole are getting sneakier, with the amount of "impersonator bots" (ones that steal data, attack network access, etc.) growing to make up 29 percent of website visits in 2014, security firm Incapsula found in December.
What is new is the spambots' access to information about their targets, Caverlee said. Bots can observe how often users tweet and what they tweet, then quietly insert themselves into the user's interactions, until the user forgets about them and learns to ignore future bots. In turn, bots must make themselves seem organic, favoriting a tweet or post here, following similar users there.
In other words, spambots can dupe us because they learned from us. Those Instagram users who depended on bot follows, Rider University psychology professor John Suler told me, demonstrated how far we've come in treating all online interactions in "an artificial way." As he wrote in a post for the Cyberpsychology Research Center, thinking of interactions as artificial boils social media use down to a competition of numbers: "[Users] see their peers becoming symbiotically dependent on garnering feedback and praise on social media ('no likes = no worth'), while losing the ability to establish their own sense of self-worth."
Still, just because spambots have gotten better at fooling users doesn't mean the Internet is caving to them. It also doesn't mean it's wrong for users to take pride in follows, likes, or any other metrics often seen on social media. It just means that no matter how often sites purge themselves of fake accounts, those fake accounts will always return. And they'll return smarter than before—so much so that when sites do kick them out, they're not just dealing with spam, but sometimes also with users' egos.


theatlantic.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. 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Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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