Islamic State and the idea of statehood.


Smoke rises over Syrian town of Kobane after an air strike, as seen from the Mursitpinar border crossing on the Turkish-Syrian border in the town of Suruc in this file October 18, 2014 file photo The US and Arab allies are hitting targets in Syria, but some Western European states refused to take part
Planes, bombs and crack commandos are at the forefront of the battle against Islamic State, but in the background a crucial battle of ideas is tackling one of the biggest questions in international life: what exactly is a state?
Almost every politician, expert and commentator have been clear on one thing: Islamic State is not a state. Islamic State, they say, is a terrorist organisation.
It seems clear enough. IS militants have beheaded people on video. They have ransacked towns and villages. They have killed or threatened to kill anyone who dissents from their view of Islam. They have stolen territory from Iraq and Syria. There is no question of them gaining UN membership, or being accepted by any other international organisation.

Thus, US planes can bomb IS militants without breaking one of the cardinal principles of international law, as outlined in the UN Charter: "All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state."
There is, however, a problem with the action taken against IS. It is hard to drop bombs on a piece of land without someone accusing you of attacking their "territorial integrity or political independence".
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President Salva Kiir of South Sudan at the United Nations General Assembly, September 27, 2014 Salva Kiir the trailblazer: The leader of the world's newest state South Sudan speaks at the UN
How to become a state Get UN membership The ultimate goal for aspirant states - they need the support of the Security Council, then two-thirds of the General Assembly
Get recognition If they fail at the UN, aspirant states can get recognition from as many other states as possible and function as a de facto state
Start trading If they have few friends, aspirant states can just start making business deals - political recognition may follow, or it may no longer be needed
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Map of IS areas of control
In Iraq, the current government formally requested help to battle IS. This makes a strong case for bombing IS in Iraq to be both legal and politically defensible.
No such get-out exists in Syria. Bashar al-Assad remains the president of Syria, and Syria remains a sovereign state. Mr Assad has not asked for help, nor has he consented to air strikes.
Despite this, US President Barack Obama recently said: "We have communicated to the Syrian regime that when we operate going after Isil [Islamic State] in their air space, that they would be well-advised not to take us on.
"But beyond that, there's no expectation that we are going to in some ways enter an alliance with Assad. He is not credible in that country."
Syria enjoys all the formal trappings of statehood. But the US and its allies do not believe its government has legitimacy. That is enough for its most essential sovereign rights to be overrun, for it to be practically rendered a non-state. Western European states including the UK have not taken part in the bombing of targets in Syria, even though they are part of the anti-IS coalition.
It is possible to say that there are three different concepts of statehood in this story:
  1. Syria: UN member with defined borders, partial control of land, a government disliked by the West, apparently no right to protect its territory
  2. Iraq: UN member with defined borders, partial control of land, a government favoured by the West, able to garner help to protect its territory
  3. Islamic State: Unilaterally declared caliphate, no UN membership, no defined borders, partial control of land, a government with no international recognition, no right to protect its territory
Islamic State's claims have no support among states, but they illustrate that there is no universally accepted definition of statehood. Put the question "What is a state?" to a politician, a lawyer, a sociologist and an economist and you would get four different answers.
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From left to right: Kosovo flag, Palestinian flag, Abkhazia flag, Somalia flag
Are these states? Kosovo: Declared independence from Serbia in 2008 after a period of UN administration; recognised by more than 100 states; path to UN membership blocked by Russia
Palestinian territories: Declared independent by PLO in 1988; currently represented at the UN as a "non-member observer state"; recognised by more than 100 other states but not Security Council members UK, US or France
Abkhazia: Broke away from Georgia in 1999; recognised by Russia and three other states; dependent on Russia for economic support
Somalia: Full UN member, wide recognition, but no functioning central government; several regions have declared independence
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An Islamic State fighter gestures with a knife while addressing captured Syrian soldiers after the fall of Tabqa airbase in Raqqa province (27 August 2014) Islamic State uses media campaigns to terrorise opponents and the public
Islamic State supporters attend a rally outside the Nineveh provincial government headquarters in Mosul (16 June 2014) IS has tried to develop the trappings of statehood, flying its own flag and intends to mint a currency
In law, for example, an attempt was made in the 1930s to distil the meaning of statehood in a single treaty - the Montevideo Convention. It lists four qualities a state must have:
  1. A permanent population
  2. A defined territory
  3. A government
  4. Capacity to enter into relations with the other states
Crucially, it also attempts to shackle politicians to the law by stipulating: "The political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states."
There is little in the Montevideo Convention that would clearly deny statehood to IS, or any other violent group capable of seizing territory and subjugating a population. The Convention has no moral dimension.
But IS, as outlined above, is not regarded as a state. How can it be denied recognition? Not by appealing to any legal rule, but by invoking the moral imperative that violence and terror cannot be rewarded. Politics provides the morality - and subjectivity - that the law lacks.
Handout image of alleged Islamic State vehicle before it was destroyed by a Brimstone missile released by a Royal Air Force Tornado GR4 aircraft The UK has taken part in air strikes over Iraq, releasing footage of targets being destroyed
However, the moral dimension is by no means universal.
North Korea, to take just one example, is a state that imprisons many thousands for suspected disloyalty, frequently threatens nuclear war and allows millions to starve through famine. Yet US diplomats rub shoulders with North Korean colleagues in the corridors of power from New York to Geneva. For all practical purposes, North Korea is a state.
Conversely, Taiwan has enjoyed three decades of prosperity under elected governments adhering to international treaties and generally respecting the rights of its citizens. Yet Taiwan is not a UN member and is recognised only by a handful of states. It is euphemistically referred to as "the island". In sporting events it cannot even use the name Taiwan.
For every example, there is an equal and opposite counter-example. Rather than a harmonious international society with defined rules of membership, we seem to exist amid a jumble of entities that fulfil ever-shifting entry standards with varying levels of success.
The military battle against IS is messy, deadly and terrifying for those directly affected. The battle for ideas is genteel by comparison, but it has largely expunged the myth of a universal idea of statehood. The consequences of that are likely to be felt for generations to come.

bbc.

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Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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