Moghalu’s ‘Emerging Africa’, A Superb Gift To Africa.

I confess I have had difficulty reviewing in the amazing African spirit in which it is written, Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu’s new book, “Emerging Africa”, subtitled “How the Global Economy’s ‘Last Frontier’ Can Prosper and Matter”.   Sonala 
Olumhense  Syndicated
Dr. Moghalu’s effort is, without any doubt, recommended reading for anyone who is concerned about the place and fate of Africa in the world, and for those Africans who are involved in the business of trying to move their countries forward.

Moghalu, who is currently a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, provides a robust, insightful and passionate tour de force.  There are no rumors here and no hidden agendas: just a full-frontal analysis of the African condition and a persuasive description of what can be done.
Emerging Africa” is at once a rebuttal and a proposal.  It is a rebuttal to cynical questions as to why Africa is as Africa is, and a decisive proposal about what can come next.
My interpretation of this work kept shifting to Nigeria, and the events currently unfolding there.  There is a Transformation Agenda at work in Nigeria that is often challenged by commentators, partly for its absence of depth and substance, and partly for the cynicism of its implementation.  Moghalu observes, in the African context: “transformation is a strong word and is not to be used lightly,” and warning that it is not the same as “reform.”
If you have a relationship with Nigeria, and have wondered about where it goes next, you cannot be untouched by the prospects of the electoral fork in the road of February 2015, where Nigerians are faced with what some see as a practical evaluation of the Transformation Agenda.
Moghalu’s book, casting a broad sweep across History and across Africa, is a gift that all serious African politicians, policymakers and nationalists should read.  Some of its pills are hard to swallow, because he does not suffer fools gladly.
Moghalu is a passionate writer, but he is also a ruthless surgeon, and he dissects the African situation with persistence and thoroughness.  He defines with imperious clarity, and analyses with authoritative ruthlessness.  Nobody with a thin intellectual of political membrane, or an impatient policy bent, will find a hiding place in it.
It is natural to expect that Africa will join the developed world.  But is it also conceivable that Africa, the “cradle of civilization” may once again—given that all of History appears to be cyclical—may one day again lead the world?
Moghalu’s answer is in the affirmative.  But, he answers, not only is there a lot of work ahead of such a prospect, there is a mechanism that can Africans can put to work in the practical interest of the renewed optimism about their continent, because history proves that there is a logic which works. 
Of that optimism, he warns early in the book, “It is important not to get too carried away by the Africa growth story, but rather to interrogate it on the basis of often overlooked fundaments.  If you believe, then, that the end of poverty and underdevelopment in Africa is imminent and that the continent is on the verge of an immediate breakthrough as a major global economic player, Emerging Africa will rain on your parade.”
Moghalu does an extensive interrogation of globalization, and argues that Africa should not be excited merely to be a participant.  He believes that a fundamental reason for Africa’s condition of underdevelopment is the absence of the development and application of a coherent worldview: “a way of thinking or seeing the world that creates an incentive for real change and progress, and not so much about what the actual solutions might be.”
This concept of a worldview, of “thinking it through”, he says, is his principal thesis.  “If African countries take the first, essential step of upgrading their psychological and mental infrastructure with an appropriate worldview, this potential trajectory can unfold in the next fifty years by 2060.”
How Africans should approach the development of their continent lies within that worldview, and in it, its values, strategy and organization.  He stresses that Africans must take responsibility for their continent’s development, armed with that clear worldview.
He laments this absence of critical African reflection on the African condition, and the failure to understand that development and the wealth of nations have philosophical foundations.  Africans, he explains, need to reflect on such issues as who they are and where they have come from…what Africa is today and what it means to be an African…where Africa should be going and how it will get there in a competitive world…
Following such an ardent and exhaustive conversation, he believes Africans should then articulate the cultural and spiritual values they identify and apply them to a vision they set for themselves using their educational systems, their economies, their political spaces, their international diplomacy, and the delicate arts of citizen persuasion and nation-branding.
He closely examines the paths of other peoples and cultures to development, particularly of such countries as China, Brazil and Malaysia, precisely pin-pointing how they achieved their turnaround.  In that light, Nigerians and those who are interested in the Nigerian condition will find an engaging interrogation of the country’s specific prospects.
Mogahalu asserts that (true) economic transformation in Nigeria calls for a paradigm shift: a fundamental change of approach to the challenge facing the country.  The prerequisites, in this schema, would include political will, policy consistency and continuity, improved economic governance, performance measurement, and accountability and selective prioritization.
His evaluation of such benchmarks as finance and financial markets, foreign investment and the knowledge economy are an invaluable companion for any serious African leader, policy-maker, teacher, and—I daresay—journalist.  Of perhaps greater importance, he identifies and explores the critical subjects of strategy and risk management, explaining why Africa’s poverty is related to the fact that governments in Africa often have no formal structures that focus on these: they “plan”, but without the right sort of thinking…without “strategic intent.”
Moghalu makes clear and detailed suggestions about how the appropriate African worldview may be established.  He also suggests a process that will ensure that that worldview becomes the perpetual property of the country, providing a guiding light forward for whichever political party happens to assume power at any point.  In my view, and as someone who has lacked faith in the efficacy of a sovereign national conference, this is one of Moghalu’s most fundamental pearls of wisdom.
The unknown is whether a political elite that has spent the past half-century focused only on its own voracious appetites can somehow find the heart to accept this task, to find the understanding that it needs to cooperate in the construction of the long and neglected highway.
There is no answer to this question in the book, evidently because it is not part of the assignment.  However, in subscription to, and solidarity with Dr. Moghalu’s historic effort, I am donating two copies of the book, which I will request him to autograph, to each of Nigeria’s top 10 political parties, and to the African Union Library in Addis Ababa.  I invite my readers, editors and publishers to broadcast the message by making similar gestures.


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Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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