Internet Plus: Can Mobile Commerce Fuel China's Economy?

China’s online retail sales grew 49.7% to RMB 2.79 trillion last year, prompting Ma Jiantang, head of the National Bureau of Statistics, to comment: “This is where our hope lies.” It was by far the most high-profile signal that China’s leaders, perhaps helped along by the successful IPO of Alibaba and many other Internet companies, recognize the potential of China’s 780 million online users. It is a sign that they embrace the benefits of the Internet which is expected to create 46 million new jobs in China by 2025, according to a July 2014 report by New York-based McKinsey & Co.
Ma’s comments are in line with Premier Li Keqiang’s introduction, at the 12th National People’s Congress in 2013, of a new Internet+ (Internet Plus) policy for the country. The goal: to “integrate mobile Internet, cloud computing, big data and the Internet of Things with modern manufacturing to encourage the healthy development of e-commerce”.

But can Internet+ fuel China’s economy and make up for slowing industrial production?
BEIJING, CHINA – MARCH 21: Jack Ma, Chairman of Alibaba attends China Development Forum 2015. The event’s theme was ‘China’s Economy in the ‘New Normal”. (Photo by ChinaFotoPress/ChinaFotoPress via Getty Images)
Retail real estate is dying, stores are closing, and the losers will be as many as 31 million traditional jobs, according to the McKinsey report. For example, sports clothes maker Li Ning Co. is expected to post losses for the third consecutive year and has closed more than 2,000 retail outlets since 2012.
Ma Jiantang noted last year that while traditional industries are facing many challenges, there are many “new products, industries, business models and formats arising from the mobile Internet.” But will the favorable wind of mobile Internet lead China to another decade of soaring GDP growth?
Clashes to intensify between old and new economies: While the ‘creative destruction’ that accompanies this transformation from old to new is a global phenomenon, its speed and scale in China is unparalleled. The country’s booming Internet retail market is not built on strong and sustainable core business competency, but rather on feeding off the struggling real economy, which suffers from high taxes, labor cost, and rent, combined with a lack of experience in the digital space.
The US has strong traditional retail networks, which rapidly establish their online channels as they evolve. But Chinese consumers have long faced a fragmented, archaic and inefficient network that is greatly challenged by disruptive Internet technology. In the US, only one of the ten top online retailers is a purely web-based player with no physical stores: Amazon. In contrast, in China only one of the ten top online retailers is brick-and-mortar: Su-Ning. The rest of the country’s traditional retailers are simply too slow in migrating to the digital world. Leveraging on existing platform providers seem to be a more efficient option than building their own online networks. That is why platform-based Internet companies take as much as 90% of market share in China, whereas the figure in the US is only 24%.
So even as millions of traditional Chinese businesses move online, they find it difficult not to rely on buying expensive advertising slots from platform providers (such as Alibaba, which has 80% of all web traffic in the retailing sector) in order to be “seen” by end customers. Note for example that while eBay’s pricing model is merely listing fees plus commission, 57% of Alibaba’s revenue comes from paid advertising. In other words, with extremely concentrated demand and fierce competition in China’s platform-dominated e-business environment, only sellers that can take advantage of economies of scale can afford to buy ads, offer low prices, and integrate their supply chain for quicker turnaround so they can break even. For the rest of the traditional players, there’s really no benefit to moving online.
Intrinsically different mobile segment: Previous research in the mobile industry has focused on the conversion rate between different platforms (PC vs. mobile in terms of screen size, ranking of the post, etc.) However our empirical research, based on a platform of millions of customers across more than 400 cities in 3,800 counties and 400,000 villages in China, suggests that differences in both conversion and sales are due to different consumer segments: the mobile-only customer, the PC-only customer, and the multi-platform/multi-channel customers.
The mobile-only customers show fragmented purchase behavior. They typically pay higher prices, but for fewer quantities which they usually purchase at midnight or while commuting; and there is significant growth coming from the rural market, which surprisingly pays a higher unit price for more “visible” and branded products (i.e. conspicuous consumption) than urban market customers. The PC-only customers purchase more quantities at a time, suggesting the ease of use on the PC platform. Meanwhile the 5% multi-channel customers, who contribute to 11% of sales, live mostly in big cities and they are more experienced customers with a longer history of frequent purchases.
This is consistent with a recent claim by the CEO of Groupon that their mobile users drive more incremental revenue and purchase activity than their PC-only customers, with each mobile customer spending over 50% more.
We also find that the products that are not selling well on PC often become very popular on mobile. If this is because there are different consumer segments, would it be good strategy to attract customers who prefer to use the mobile platform? Are existing customers becoming more promotion sensitive, or has mobile lost its advantage in attracting new customers? Should there be different marketing strategies for PC and mobile platforms, respectively? These are all important questions to ask as businesses embrace the mobile Internet.
Mobile is the bigger pie… and sweeter: Last year, desktop e-commerce for the US holiday period reached $53.2 billion, while mobile commerce hit $7.9 billion, representing 13% of total digital commerce and growing at an annual rate of 25% vs. the previous season. The figures are even more promising in China: mobile gross merchandise value (GMV) accounted for 45.5% of the total GMV of RMB 57.1 billion in Alibaba’s online shopping festival on “11.11”, as compared to 15% last year.
Chart
Furthermore, as we break down the promotional effect of desktop e-commerce and mobile commerce into the three components: price-induced demand, new demand by first-time customers, and suppressed demand pre- and post- promotion, we find that sales responses from mobile promotion (spike-shaped in the photo above) are more positive than those from PC-based promotion (wave-shaped): it has a smaller and shorter impact on pre- and post- promotional dips, and a bigger promotion pulse by attracting more new customers. We also find that paid search leads to a much higher conversion rate on mobile platforms than on PC, suggesting promising ROI in mobile-commerce.
So yes, mobile commerce will continue to grow, but you’d be missing a big part of the picture by underestimating the challenges and changing landscape happening in China’s real economy. The key to “Internet plus” is the “plus” of the real economy.

forbes.

Popular posts from this blog

UK GENERAL ELECTIONS:Inquiry announced into memo alleging Sturgeon wants Tory election victory.

Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

Ebola Outbreak: Guinea Declares Emergency As Overall Deaths From Ebola Rise To 1,069