Nigeria's 'brown envelope' journalism.

People read the newspaper headlines in Nigeria - 2011
In our series of letters from African journalists, writer and novelist Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani looks at journalists' struggle for survival in Nigeria.
Nigerian journalists are typically paid wretched salaries, and even the pittance to which they are entitled is often owed for months at a stretch.
A former editor with Nigeria's ThisDay newspaper last month became something of a celebrity in local media circles after an Abuja court awarded him damages against the newspaper's publishers.
Paul Ibe had in 2011 filed proceedings against his former employer, seeking payment of outstanding monthly salaries and other allowances.
"I went to court not because of the money but because of the principle involved," he told me.
"Every labourer deserves his pay."

But it is not as if their employers expect these journalists to work without pay.
A man reading a ThisDay newspaper in July 2014 The former ThisDay editor was awarded more than $5,000 (£3,000) in damages
They just do not think that the staff's income should come from the organisation's pockets.

Start Quote

Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani
The Nigerian media has become a thriving arena for all sorts of sponsored falsehoods”
Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani
My friend, who was a reporter with one of Nigeria's popular newspapers, said her boss often justified his non-payment of salaries by saying: "I've given you a platform to make money. Use it."
He was referring to the opportunity to collect payment from individuals or organisations in exchange for publishing their stories.
Nigerian journalists are known to prowl to and fro in search of anyone whose pay will inspire their pens.
It is common for "brown envelopes" containing cash to be handed out during press briefings - a practice that has been going on for so long that many young journalists with whom I have spoken have no idea that it is unethical.
After covering an event, they linger expectantly until the envelopes stuffed with cash arrive.
Woe betide you if you fail to meet their expectations.
Whatever you read about yourself and your event, if the item manages to find space in the newspaper, will be entirely of your own making.
With this kind of goings-on, you cannot expect the average Nigerian journalist to be fair in the presentation of facts.
'Strikes at democracy' I know a top Nigerian politician who goes beyond brown envelopes to listing a number of editors on his payroll.
As he disburses his staff salaries monthly, he also makes payments into the editors' bank accounts.
Journalists interviewing someone in Nigeria -  2012 Journalists in Nigeria can sometimes remain unpaid for months
This ensures that whenever he has any "news" to disseminate, it gets published in several media without any questions asked or facts checked.
The Nigerian media has become a thriving arena for all sorts of sponsored falsehoods.
The judicial system is equally dysfunctional, making it tortuous to win a libel case.

Start Quote

I wanted to pay salaries that would enable the average reporter buy a beer for himself and a friend after work on Friday, and a small car for himself”
Dele Olojede Founder of the defunct Next paper
This strikes at the very core of democracy, where the electorate, to make sensible choices, relies on the media for facts.
In 2008, I joined Nigeria's now-defunct Next newspapers as one of its pioneer editorial staff.
Founded by Pulitzer-winning journalist Dele Olojede, it was celebrated for its vehement policy against brown envelopes.
Within months of its launch, it was boldly reporting several important national stories that most mainstream newspapers would not touch.
When its reporters began garnering local and international awards for investigative journalism, Mr Olojede reminded us that most of those stories had been lying in the public domain, simply waiting for someone to report them.
"Real investigative journalism requires dogged digging," he said.
He explained during an editorial meeting: "I wanted to pay salaries that would enable the average reporter buy a beer for himself and a friend after work on Friday, and a small car for himself."
'Aggrieved marketers' But revenue soon began to dry up.
In Nigeria, established newspapers are paid to keep big stories off the front page. Adverts are supposed to buy silence.
Often, Next would run a story in its popular weekend edition, only for editors to arrive at the office on Monday to meet an aggrieved marketing team - certain big advertisers had terminated their business that morning.
A newspaper vendor in Nigeria in 2013 It is alleged that big advertisers in newspapers run scared of stories that will upset important people
After one revelation about corruption in the oil trade, scores of advertisers instantly pulled out.
Many organisations began to distance themselves from the newspaper, for fear of being seen to be supporting the enemy of their friends.
At the time Next eventually called it quits in 2011, staff were owed more than five months' arrears.
Rumours of the newspaper's reporters accepting brown envelopes had begun to filter in, but few editors had the heart to reprimand offenders.
It is difficult to ascertain whether corruption in Nigeria's journalism emanated from pressure by the political and business elite, or if the media themselves initiated jukebox journalism.
Following Mr Ibe's court victory - which only one newspaper reported - journalists from around the country have been sending congratulatory messages, thanking him for giving them hope.
He has shown that the country's journalists do not have to put up with being used and abused by their employers.
However, it will take more than one court victory to bring an end to this kind of malpractice and create a thriving Nigerian media.

bbc.

Popular posts from this blog

UK GENERAL ELECTIONS:Inquiry announced into memo alleging Sturgeon wants Tory election victory.

Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

Ebola Outbreak: Guinea Declares Emergency As Overall Deaths From Ebola Rise To 1,069