The Nigerian Millionaire Who Wants To Negotiate With Boko Haram.


Orji Uzor Kalu
When Orji Uzor Kalu, jet-setting Nigerian businessman and controversial politician is in Abuja, he usually spends most of his time at his sprawling mansion which is located a few minutes’ drive away from the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, the official residence of Nigeria’s President. It’s easily one of the most glamorous homes in Nigeria, and even comes with its own church.
The house is a Mecca of sorts. Highflying politicians, senior executives at his conglomerate, diplomats, private bankers and hangers-on typically have to wait for hours to get an audience with the man. When I meet him on a crisp afternoon in May, he’s relaxing his frame on a couch in the dining room, chatting with senior executives from one of his companies.

Orji Uzor Kalu is as eccentric as he is charismatic. When I enter his dining room, he sizes me up quizzically for seconds, and then spontaneously welcomes me heartily to his home in my local dialect before offering a seat directly opposite him. In less than a minute of meeting him, he immediately switches to discuss the state of Nigerian affairs. He had only returned from London a night before, and on his arrival, a group of Journalists at the International Airport in Lagos had asked him to comment on Nigeria’s security situation. He loses all reticence when he talks about Nigerian affairs, and Kalu, who has always had a predilection for uttering provocative statements, had declared that Nigeria’s President, Goodluck Jonathan could become the country’s last president. He is a newsmaker, and sure enough his statement had made it to the front pages of some of Nigeria’s major newspapers on this day.
Orji Uzor Kalu
“There was a time when news of bombing and terrorism was synonymous to countries like Iraq, Iran and Pakistan. Nigeria is now at that point. We are now like those countries. This is what we have become. If care is not taken, Goodluck Jonathan would be the last president we’ve had in this country. Jonathan might become to Nigeria what Mikhail Gorbachev was to the Union Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) when he presided over the disintegration of USSR. If we don’t take time and collaborate with foreign countries to end the war the insurgents are waging against the country, Nigeria as we know it might just cease to be,” he says.
Over the last few years, Nigeria has had to contend with its worst security challenge in its recent history. Boko Haram, a dreaded Islamic sect which plans to institute an Islamic state in Nigeria among other warped objectives, has embarked on a series of terror attacks on hapless Nigerians. Kalu believes the Nigerian government is not handling the current security crisis properly and has severally urged the government to negotiate with the terrorists.
Last year, he offered to negotiate with the Boko Haram sect on behalf of the Nigerian government. He believes he could have been able to strike a compromise with the terrorists and stop the bloodshed. The Nigerian government barely considered his offer. The government has declared on several occasions that it would never negotiate with terrorists, a decision Kalu believes is ill-advised.
“It’s sad enough that lives are being lost – precious lives that could build our country. And we’re losing them to terrorism. This is what we have become. Apart from the thousands of lives that have been lost, the damage on our economy is irreparable. Businesses are shying away from Nigeria and jobs are being lost,” he says.
He should know. Orji Uzor Kalu, 53, is one of the wealthiest men in Nigeria and runs one of West Africa’s largest companies, Slok Holding – a $2.5 billion (annual revenues) conglomerate that has interests in everything from shipping, manufacturing and energy distribution, to insurance, property, banking and the media. Slok Holding employs more than 3,000 people in Nigeria, Liberia, Cote D’Ivoire, and the Gambia. He owns 93% of the conglomerate, an asset that puts him in the league of the wealthiest businessmen in Nigeria. Kalu is not involved in the day-to-day management of his companies, but still maintains his position as Chairman of the group. He now spends the vast majority of his time as a commercial diplomat in his own private capacity, helping to support business promotion between Nigeria and other countries, while persuading foreign businesses to invest in Nigeria. Later this evening, he is hosting a group of international businessmen and Abuja-based foreign diplomats to a dinner at his home to discuss commercial relations among other issues.  And as we chat, we walk around his expansive residence as he selects wine and discusses with his Chefs on food selection for his evening soiree.
“All these foreign companies are eager to do business in this country, but when they turn their TV on and they see all the bad news of insurgency, it’s a deal breaker. So I feel a sense of responsibility as a successful businessman to sell my country as an attractive investment destination.”
Kalu was born on April 21, 1960, a few months before Nigeria gained her independence. At the age of 19, after he got suspended from the University of Maiduguri for spearheading a series of student riots, he took a $35 loan from his mother and started trading in Palm oil and fish. He would buy his goods cheaply from Nigeria’s eastern region, and sell at double or triple the price in the Northern states. As his trading business prospered, he expanded his business horizons, venturing into the sale of furniture and importing commodities like rice, sugar, flour, cement and aluminum roofing along with fellow tycoons Mike Adenuga and Aliko Dangote, who are his close friends. By the time he was 22, in 1982; he was already a multi-millionaire and was enjoying a rising national profile as one of Nigeria’s most successful young businessmen. In Nigeria, more than anywhere else, success begets success, and before long the young, ambitious businessman had ingratiated himself with top-ranking military officials who were ruling the country at the time. Nigeria was under military rule for the better part of the 80s. Leveraging on his connections within the military, Kalu cornered a series of lucrative state contracts, chief among them being a contract for the supply of arms and ammunition for Nigeria’s defense forces and law enforcement agencies. He cleaned out with deals like this and promptly reinvested his money in commercial and residential real estate across Nigeria and expanding his trading business from Nigeria to other countries in West and Central Africa.
When Ibrahim Babangida came into power in 1985 as President, he began to encourage Nigerian businessmen and indigenous companies to participate actively in the upstream petroleum industry.
“I saw an opportunity in the marine service sector. In those days it was extremely difficult to spot an indigenous vessel on Nigerian waters. I don’t think there was a Nigerian vessel back in those days- in the mid 80s, and even with all the foreign vessels that were on our waters, there was still a deficit of vessels. At that time, market focus had begun to drive and consummate the upstream oil and gas industry into deeper waters and it was clear that there was an increased need for more operational service vessels,” he says.
In 1987, Kalu, drawing from his own personal funds and loans from the banks, launched Slok Shipping to service the marine sector. “We started off with crew and patrol vessels. They are smaller vessels that take personnel to offshore drilling sites, and we grew from there.”
Today, Slok Shipping operates much larger Offshore Support Vessels – Platform Supply Vessels (PSVs) and Multi-Purpose Support Vessels (MPSVs). PSVs are deep-sea vessels designed primarily to transport supplies and equipment to and from offshore oil and gas support production platforms, offshore drilling rigs and other types of offshore vessels and installations. MPSVs on the other hand provide a diverse range of supply and maintenance functions in the offshore oil-field services industry. These vessels are not cheap. According to Kalu, they could cost anywhere from $30 million – $50 million, depending on their size, components and capabilities. Slok Shipping has 21 of these vessels, making the company the largest operator of Offshore Support Vessels in Nigeria, and one of the largest in Africa.
It’s a capital intensive business, but as Kalu says, the rewards are worth it. “Usually if you can get 75-80% utilization per annum, which we do, you can recoup your investments in six years.
It’s a rewarding business, and Slok’s shipping business alone contributes a healthy nine-figure sum to the group’s annual bottom-line. Slok Shipping is now the largest shipping company in Nigeria, both in terms of revenues and service fleet. The company operates in marine transport service involving offshore support and deep sea transportation within the Nigerian waterways. Slok Shipping owns, operates, and manages its own fleet and its clients include a good number of international and indigenous oil companies, many of whom sign multi-year contracts.
But the business is not without its challenges. “The cost of capital in Nigeria is a major challenge. It’s crazy. In Nigeria you take a bank loan and you have to repay to the tune of 21% in interest, and I’m competing with foreign companies that are getting loans at a 6% interest rate. It’s not healthy for business,” he says.
And Kalu believes the government is not helping matters. In 2003, the Nigerian government established the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF), a fund that aims to promote the development of indigenous ship acquisition capacity by providing financial assistance to Nigerian operators in the domestic coastal shipping. According to the Coastal and inland shipping (Cabotage) Act of 2003, the beneficiaries of the fund will be Nigerian citizens and shipping companies wholly owned by Nigerians. The CVFF is managed by Nigeria’s Ministry of Transportation through one of its agencies, the Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA). It is funded primarily through a 2% surcharge of the contract sum performed by any vessel engaged in coastal trading and monies generated through fines, tariff, and fees for licenses and waivers. Indigenous shipping firms were encouraged to apply for the fund. Last year, six indigenous shipping firms were selected by the Ministry of Transport to benefit from the fund after meeting certain criteria. Slok Holding, which applied for the fund and met all the criteria, was not shortlisted for the fund. One of Kalu’s Personal Assistants believes Slok’s exclusion from the shortlist was suspect.
“You know in Nigeria, there is always one form of maneuvering or the other. The companies that were shortlisted to benefit from the fund cannot match us in terms of asset base or technical capacity. But that’s one of the challenges of doing business in this market. At times, there is no such thing as meritocracy,” the assistant says.
Even though the Transport ministry shortlisted 6 companies for the fund last year, not a single cent has been disbursed to shipping firms since its inception. In January this year, the fund’s value surpassed $300 million, but very little has been said about the fund or its beneficiaries. There has been a delay and secrecy surrounding the disbursement of the fund. An analyst in the shipping industry who pleaded anonymity believes that top ranking officials in the Transport ministry and NIMASA could be earning millions of dollars monthly in interest from the fund in a personal capacity, hence the delay. In Nigeria, these things do happen. A lot.
“This is the problem with Nigeria – corruption. The whole system is so corrupt that even a fund that is supposed to be used to develop a sector is being manipulated by a few persons to enrich themselves,” Kalu says.
It’s an interesting statement coming from a man whose critics have accused of corruption and gross mismanagement of government funds in the past. Kalu, a veteran politician, was Governor of Abia state, a large state in Nigeria’s south eastern region from 1999 – 2007 after winning free and fair democratic elections. Indigenes say he looted the state’s treasury without remorse and left the state worse-off than he found it. He denies he was ever corrupt and even points out that he is perhaps the only governor in the history of Nigeria who left political office a poorer man.
“When I left Government house in 2007, I was poorer than when I got in,” he insists.
There might be some truth to this. While he was governor of Abia state for 8 years, Kalu famously had a falling-out with Nigeria’s President at the time, General Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo responded by exercising his powers as president to close down some of Kalu’s flourishing businesses. The former president revoked the license of Hallmark Bank, a successful commercial bank in which Kalu held a 70% stake, and he closed down Slok Air, a domestic commercial airline that he owned. Obasanjo’s vendetta on Kalu’s businesses affected his fortunes significantly.
“Obasanjo could have been a great president, but he was petty. Rather than supporting businesses to grow, he was going around closing businesses of people he felt had different political ideals from him, depriving thousands of people of their jobs just to settle personal scores. He frustrated my businesses so much that by the time I left office in 2007, I had lost tens of millions of dollars.”
But Kalu has since bounced back and reorganized his businesses. Apart from his shipping business, Slok Holding owns a controlling stake in First International Bank, a commercial bank with operations in Liberia, Gambia, Sierra Leone, DR Congo and Guinea. He runs a thriving trading and manufacturing outfit that manufactures and sells automotive batteries, aluminum roofing sheets, razor barbed wires, tyres, matches and candles across West Africa. Another of Slok’s subsidiary companies markets and sells petroleum products across Africa. In the media, he owns The Sun Newspaper, a Nigerian newspaper with a penchant for ‘British Tabloid’ styled journalism. He founded it in 2003, and it’s now one of the highest-circulating daily newspapers. Late last year – ten years after founding The Sun, he launched New Telegraph, which aims to be a more serious, politically-minded news daily. It’s already doing well in the marketplace, with daily circulation exceeding more than 50,000.
A few pundits believe his new media venture is a part of a well-orchestrated machinery aimed at shaping the national agenda in lieu of his presumed presidential ambitions.
“It’s purely business,” he says. “The newspaper business in Nigeria could be lucrative if well-run. But more importantly, The Telegraph aims to offer an objective coverage of political, social, and cultural issues and set the agenda for some of those pertinent discussions we should be having about our country and its future.”
On whether or not that future involves him becoming President of Nigeria at some point, Kalu, a staunch catholic, remains evasive.  We are still talking and strolling around the house when we reach the building in the compound that serves as his family church. He makes a sign of the cross and leads me into the place of worship.


forbes.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.