The Beginning Of The End For Putin? Real Reform Begins To Take Hold In Ukraine.

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Ukrainian weekly Novoye Vremya shows First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Eka Zguladze, who held the same position during similar reforms in Georgia. The headline reads “The First Real Reform.” (image credit: Novoye Vremya)
In just over a year, Ukraine has seen a political revolution, two elections (one presidential, one parliamentary), an economic collapse and a Russian invasion resulting in a “hybrid war” that has ravaged the country.  Its new western-leaning government has struggled to maintain sovereignty as well as stability.
This past February, a new ceasefire was signed, which seems to be holding up for the most part.  But even now, Russia, is beefing up its forces at the border, threatening a new offensive.  By all accounts, the situation in Ukraine remains precarious.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has made no secret of his intention to destroy the country, even going so far as to deny that it is, in fact, a country.  For those who are familiar with Putin’s regime, this is hardly surprising.  A successful, vibrant and democratic neighbor on Russia’s border would only serve to remind his constituents how repressive and ineffectual his rule has become.
As I argued a year ago, the sanctions imposed by the Obama administration could bring down the Russian leader.   Now, faced with a crumbling economy, rampant corruption and international isolation many believe that Putin is fighting for his political survival.  Clearly, he cannot afford Ukraine to become a model for his disgruntled countrymen.
Yet for all his efforts, real reform appears to be starting to take hold in Ukraine. The Financial Times recently reported that the country is on “the right road.” Prime Minister Yatsenyuk has brought in an impressive array of technocrats, including foreigners and experienced business executives, such as the former General Manager of Microsoft Ukraine, to help make some much needed changes.
The new government took office at the end of last year and seems to be making progress.  It successfully negotiated a $17.5 billion stabilization package from the IMF that, with additional contributions from the US and the EU, could reach $40 billion.  It also recently introduced important reforms to its gas sector and plans to privatize thousands of state owned businesses, both key sources of corruption.
However, as the Ukrainian weekly Novoye Vremya noted in its cover story last week, the most important reform may be the transformation of its notorious traffic police.  Its headline reads, “The First Real Reform.”
As Vitaly Sych, Editor-in-Chief of Novoye Vremya told me, “This is the first reform that will immediately affect the average Ukrainian citizen.  Unlike obscure economic reforms, which will mostly impact the country in 3-5 years, this one will be immediately felt.”
Anybody who’s spent time in Ukraine knows what he means.  Most corruption is either a minor nuisance or goes on behind the scenes.  People might not like the fact that they need to pay a bribe to get a business registered or that somebody is looting the coffers at some state owned company, but it doesn’t affect their daily life.
The notriously corrupt traffic police, on the other hand, is a constant reminder that the system is rotten to the core.  Just about everyone is stopped and shaken down on a regular basis, based on nothing more than the whims of an officer in need of some extra cash. Effective reform in this area would send a strong signal that things really are changing.
The program is being headed up by First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Eka Zguladze, who held the same position in her native Georgia, which implemented similar police reforms.  It is being funded by the US government and training and selection of officers will be supervised by a team of police from Reno, Nevada.
So far, indications are positive.  According to Bloomberg, 27,000 people applied for only 2000 positions in Kyiv, despite high standards.  All applicants must have a secondary degree or higher, a drivers license and knowledge of at least one foreign language.  Salaries are being raised from roughly $80 per month to almost $500—a very good salary in Ukraine.
If successful, the reforms would make a significant difference, as they did in Georgia a decade ago.  Sych of Novoye Vremya points out that most reforms, like the rationalization of gas prices to reflect market rates, are painful.  Solving the problem of everyday corruption would go a long way to convincing Ukrainians that the hardships they are enduring will be worth it.
“There are still problems, no doubt,” he says.  “There has been no prosecution of officials of former officials.  Tax reform has stalled.  There has been no move to cut the ridiculous amount of regulations and red tape.  The Georgians did that within the first three months.  Things should be moving faster.  There’s no excuse for the slow pace.”
Nevertheless, he sees things moving forward.  “For twenty years, we did nothing.  Now things are starting to happen.  This process will take ten years, at least. And we will see positive changes within three to five years.  We are moving away from Russia and moving toward the civilized democratic world.”
And that, no doubt, is what Putin fears the most.  If Ukraine follows the path of Poland, the Baltics and Georgia, ordinary Russians will begin to wonder why they are being left behind.  That will leave the Russian President with only two options—reform the corrupt Russian system or make his regime even more oppressive, both of which will cause him further problems that, given his regime’s weakened state, he can ill afford.
As for Ukraine, it seems to have left Russia’s “sphere of influence” for good.  One recent poll showed that 37% thought it was important to have good relations with the US, while only 16% said the same about Russia.  Another poll showed that 44% want to join NATO up from only 13% a few years ago.
“We now know who are true friends now: Poland, the Baltics and the US,” Sych told me. “Our enemies are Russia and anybody who supports it.”
Greg Satell is a US based business consultant.  

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. 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Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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