Iran sends troops to help retake key Iraqi oil refinery from Isis.

  • US and allies have staged 22 air strikes against Isis since Friday
  • US says it does not oppose Iranian-backed militias if under control of Baghdad
An elderly Iraqi woman who fled from the city of Ramadi, which is besieged by Isis militants, is pushed in a wheelbarrow as she holds the hand of an armed man as people wait to cross Bzeibez bridge.
An elderly Iraqi woman who fled the city of Ramadi, which is besieged by Isis militants, is pushed in a wheelbarrow as she waits to cross Bzeibez bridge. Photograph: Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images
Iran has entered the fight to retake a major Iraqi oil refinery from Islamic State militants, contributing small numbers of troops – some operating artillery and other heavy weapons – in support of advancing Iraqi ground forces, US defence officials said.
The US and its allies, meanwhile, have staged 22 air strikes on Isis targets since Friday, including four near Ramadi, the city taken by the militants this week, the US military said on Saturday. Coalition forces also attacked five Isis sites in Syria between Friday and Saturday.

Two US officials said Iranian forces had taken a significant offensive role in the Beiji operation in recent days, in conjunction with Iraqi Shia militia. The officials were not authorised to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on Friday on condition of anonymity.
One official said Iranians were operating artillery, 122mm rocket systems and surveillance and reconnaissance drones to help the Iraqi counteroffensive.
The Iranian role was not mentioned in a new US military statement asserting that Iraqi security forces, with US help, had managed to establish a land route into the Beiji refinery compound. The statement on Friday by the US military headquarters in Kuwait said Iraqis had begun reinforcing and resupplying forces isolated inside the refinery compound.
Iran’s role in Iraq is a major complicating factor for the Obama administration as it searches for the most effective approach to countering Isis. US officials have said they do not oppose contributions from Iran-supported Iraqi Shia militias as long as they operate under the command and control of the Iraqi government.
Friday’s US military statement quoted Brigadier General Thomas Weidley as saying that over the past three days Iraqi security forces and federal police have made “steady, measured progress” in regaining some areas leading to the Beiji refinery compound, in the face of suicide vehicle-borne bombs and rocket attacks. Weidley, chief of staff of the US-led military headquarters in Kuwait, recently described the oil refinery as a “key infrastructure and critical crossroads”.
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The US statement said Iraqis, enabled by the US and its coalition partners, have “successfully cleared and established a ground route” into the refinery to resupply Iraqi troops. It listed US and coalition contributions as including air strikes, reconnaissance and the use of “advise and assist elements”.
Asked about the newly emerging role of Iranian forces in Beiji, the US command in Kuwait declined to comment directly, citing “operational security reasons”. It added that all forces involved in Beiji are “aligned with the government of Iraq” and under the control of Iraqi security forces.
Friday and Saturday’s strikes near Ramadi hit tactical units, armoured vehicles and a fighting position in militant-controlled territory. Ramadi fell to Isis on Sunday in a serious setback for Iraqi forces that also cast doubt on the US strategy of using mainly air strikes against the militants.
The other US-led attacks in Iraq were near the cities of al-Asad, Bayji, Fallujah, Haditha, Kirkuk, Makhmur, Mosul, Sinjar and Tal Afar. Isis tactical units, vehicles, fighting positions, heavy machine guns and buildings were hit.
In Syria, air strikes near al-Hasakah, Dayr Az Zawr, Kobani and Tadmur destroyed fighting positions, a tank and six anti-aircraft artillery systems, the joint task force said.
Separately, the Pentagon said on Friday that the cost of US military operations in Iraq and Syria since air strikes began in August was $2.44bn as of 7 May.
As well as the Beiji refinery, Isis fighters control the nearby town of Beiji, on the main route from Baghdad to Mosul, along the Tigris river.
The militants’ move on Beiji largely coincided with a successful offensive in Ramadi, the capital of Anbar province, last week. Iraqi forces withdrew from Ramadi on Sunday, leaving behind large numbers of US-supplied vehicles, including several tanks. The US said on Friday that its air strikes in Ramadi overnight hit an Isis fighting unit, destroying five armoured vehicles, two tanks and other military vehicles, as well as nine abandoned tanks and other armored vehicles.
Together, the Ramadi and Beiji losses have fuelled criticism of the Obama administration’s Iraq strategy and prompted the White House to authorise an acceleration of US weapons transfers to Baghdad, including expedited shipments of 2,000 shoulder-fired missiles for use against armoured suicide vehicles.
Iran had contributed advisers, training and arms to Iraqi Shia militias in an attempt to retake the city of Tikrit in March, but that effort stalled. In April, after the US joined the effort with air strikes, Iraqi security forces and allied Shia militias succeeded in regaining control of the city.
Tony Cordesman, a Middle East expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that while some in Tehran see the advantages of a Shia-led Iraqi government that deals equitably with the Sunni and Kurdish populations in order to achieve national unity, Iranian hardliners do not.
“At best, they are still pursuing a policy of competing with the United States for military influence over the Iraqi military and police, Shia militias, and even influence over Iraq’s Kurds,” Cordesman wrote in an analysis published Thursday. “At worst – and ‘at worst’ now seems more likely than ‘at best’ – Iran’s leaders are seeking an Iraq where Iran has dominant influence” after the Isis threat has been overcome.

theguardian.

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Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." 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"The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. 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Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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