Mayweather-Pacquiao is over and boxing is dead, again.

The record-smashing numbers done by Mayweather-Pacquiao won’t save boxing any more than years of mainstream neglect will kill it. The sport is permanently adhered to our culture
Floyd Mayweather v Manny Pacquiao
Roland Purificacion celebrates after watching a live satellite feed of Mayweather-Pacquiao in downtown Manila. The fight drew unprecedented global interest. Photograph: Aaron Favila/AP
The numbers are in and they’re predictably huge, with the Floyd Mayweather-Manny Pacquiao blockbuster clocking in at 4.4m pay-per-view buys.
Since the event, fans, pundits and everyone with an opinion have given their own not-so-unique insight as to the grandiose meaning of what we all saw.
But rather than weighing heavily on the conscious of the public and changing the world forever, the biggest boxing event in the world simply happened – as most things tend to.
The grand fanfare and fluffed majesty of an event the magnitude of Mayweather-Pacquiao not only came as no surprise, but it actually tagged along for the ride, symbiotic in that it both fueled interest in the fight itself, and grew larger as interest grew. It’s part of the package deal that comes with fights literally years and hundreds of millions of dollars in the making.
What outsiders and major news entities didn’t appear to understand, however, is that the rapid expansion in boxing coverage irks a number of boxing’s fans. The nearly superfluous attention added to the excitement of a hasty promotion that already read like a fever dream, but after years of relegation to the second and third tiers of mainstream sports coverage, dedicated boxing fans have become resistant to change. Past a generalized sense of nostalgic bias, fight fans grow accustomed to putting up with injustices and nonsense despite constantly complaining about them. Most importantly, the familiar shenanigans become easier to recognize.
When Premier Boxing Champions was hatched and immediately exalted earlier this year, it seemed to give boxing fans a peek at what happens when people, who obviously don’t spend the required minimum of 73% of their waking moments watching, reading or arguing about boxing, talk about the sport publicly. NBC, CBS and others had been convinced to once again serve boxing to the masses, but the loyalists felt shortchanged by the production and commentating crews, specifically, and mostly because they weren’t boxing enough.
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The PBC experiment is ongoing, and may still be ultimately very successful. PBC is an idea, though; a process that may only have a serious payoff long-term. Mayweather-Pacquiao was one fight. It was one massive fight, and certainly a big deal – literally no one could argue that it wasn’t – but it’s easy to get roped into standard hyperbole and oversimplification of the diverse boxing ecosystem.
In the rush to finish pre-fight masterpieces, wordsmiths painted phrases like, “Mayweather-Pacquiao is the fight to save boxing” with brushstrokes wide as the list of celebrities littered throughout the crowd at the MGM Grand Garden Arena on Saturday night, and displayed them across pages full of backhanded compliments to the realm of pugilism.
Yes, Mayweather-Pacquiao was an enormous event, and it could prove to be an economic boon to the rest of the sport, as some of the attention trickles down to lesser commodities. But the idea that boxing requires a few-years-late mega-fight to somehow keep it afloat is a dated idea, and supported by evidence that also indicates that boxing’s popularity moves in waves.
Boxing has been here before – nursing a big event hangover, fighting off the Reaper – and it will be here again.
Around the start of the 20th century, what the New York Times called an “Attack on the Horton Law” signaled what may have been the first attempt to truly save boxing, via a rebellious push by owners of local athletic clubs to host fight cards in the shadow of the sport’s impending fall. There was good reason to fear for boxing’s safety back then, though, as the sport was largely dependent upon public support and favorable legislation.
When the Lewis Law was put in place in August 1900, banning prizefighting in New York, other jurisdictions – specifically the West Coast – benefited from the ban of boxing in New York and other locales. It would be a few years before fighters like Ted ‘Kid’ Lewis and Jimmy Wilde helped truly popularize a more modern version of prizefighting in the UK, Philadelphia Jack O’Brien and others briefly fled to England, where the National Sporting Club, one of the earliest known boxing governing organizations, had been formed in 1891.
The June 1985 edition of The Ring featured an article by historian Luckett V Davis, in which he wrote, “Had the ban [on boxing] continued indefinitely, it is probable that boxing history would have been greatly changed, or indeed cut short.”
But boxing came back to the New York boroughs from 1911 to 1917, then returned for good in 1920, and New York City remained the true ‘Mecca of Boxing’ for most of its tenure.
An unnamed athletic club manager suggested to the Times in 1900 that the most effective way to keep boxing legal would be to ban heavyweight fights. “There would not be so many complaints if the clubs did not have heavyweight fights. Ministers or others rarely complain when featherweights, bantams and lightweights fight, for the average clergyman or reformer believes only a big man can hit hard enough to injure his opponent.”
Ironically, before long, boxing would be shouldered through the consciousness of the public by one of the first ever professional sports mega-celebrities: heavyweight champion Jack Dempsey. And again by Joe Louis and Rocky Marciano, though non-heavyweights like Ray Robinson and Willie Pep commanded attention in their own right.
To complete the cycle of irony, in 1961, when Dempsey marked 66 brine-soaked years on the planet, he remarked to an Associated Press reported that he plainly saw signs boxing was dying. ‘The Manassa Mauler’ wasn’t completely off his rocker yet, as senator and chair of the US Antitrust and Monopoly Subcommittee Estes Kefauver caught on to the inherent criminal activity in boxing – and specifically the International Boxing Club of New York – which led to jail time for many involved, including a number of notorious Chicago and New York City mafiosi. Corruption, boxing’s stubborn remora for decades, had been legally proven and laid bare, and boxing wasn’t in a good place.
Then came a heavyweight champion named Cassius Clay, renamed Muhammad Ali, and former champion Marciano told Boston sportswriter Bucky Yardume, “Boxing is dead.”
By then everyone should have known better.
One full decade of Ali’s quips, triumphs and follies later, journalist Joan Ryan said in her 1972 column at The Star, “I guess if the good Lord hadn’t intended to save boxing, He wouldn’t have given Muhammad Ali a mouth.”
The late 1970s ratings scandal involving The Ring magazine nudged major television networks to swear off boxing, and a mostly unpopular heavyweight champion in Larry Holmes combined with post-Ali melancholia, laying the groundwork for a quartet of sub-heavyweights to change the narrative.
Ray Leonard, Marvin Hagler, Thomas Hearns and Roberto Duran later became known as ‘The Fabulous Four’, thanks in part to a promotional VHS tape distributed by promoter Top Rank. Duran-Leonard I began the four-way rivalry in 1980, and Leonard-Hagler in 1987, for all intents and purposes, brought it to a close. Even so, most of the Fab Four’s action took place early, the lull before 1987 had boxing looking to Olympians and even the veritable abyss below the lightweight division. In September 1985, the cover story of The Ring by editor Nigel Collins posed the question: ‘Can Barry McGuigan Save Boxing?’
February 1986 kicked off the hagiography of Mike Tyson that was the rest of the 1980s in boxing, with his network television debut on ABC against Jesse Ferguson. But Tyson gave way to James ‘Buster’ Douglas, who gave way to Evander Holyfield, and success. An entertaining era of heavyweight boxing in the 90s ended with Lennox Lewis, another unpopular champion, at the top.
Oscar De La Hoya’s popularity boomed in the absence of a defining heavyweight figure, and then so did that of Pacquiao. And of course Mayweather.
No matter where boxing strayed, it never seemed far from home. In 1973, when writing for the New York Times, Al Harvin called boxing “one of the reasons there are more television sets than bathtubs in the United States”.
The pattern is clear enough to be painted by numbers, yet the insistence that boxing walks a thin, precipitous edge at every given moment is not only prevalent from mainstream media, but the norm. Also apparent is boxing’s adaptability, as it compromises tradition and veers off known paths to survive before eventually thriving once more.
The remaining focus of Mayweather-Pacquiao’s success, from the standpoint of boxing’s health, should be less on the disgustingly inflated financial witchcraft that makes it the richest fight ever, and more on the potential residual effects it could have on both viewers and the sport itself.
Mayweather-Pacquiao isn’t staving off the death rattle of a sport so many fans contemplate leaving time and again, but cannot, and will not. The culture of boxing is permanently adhered to the culture of the world, and on the morning of Sunday 3 May, nothing had changed.
That’s not to say there aren’t changes that will likely have to happen if boxing is to thrive. Mayweather’s passive dominance, for instance, can’t keep the public’s attention forever, and seems to be a more difficult sell with every decision win that walks by. Change is inevitable, however, and Mayweather is far closer to retirement than he is to his Olympic medal.
Once he’s gone, some new catalyst will punch his way to the stage.
The byline of the 1985 article by Luckett V. Davis for The Ring reads, “Boxing has always bounced back in the past, and we’re sure it always will.”

theguardian.

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Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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