Oil in Nigeria: Five questions for the new government.

As fuel shortages force residents to queue for petrol once again, environmental activist Godwin Uyi Ojo has urgent questions for the new government.
oil
President-elect Muhammadu Buhari will have questions to answer. Photograph: Yang Yang/Xinhua Press/Corbis
Nigeria is one of the biggest oil producers in the world, but a national fuel shortage means that Nigerians are once again being forced to join long queues for petrol. As the president-elect, Muhammadu Buhari, and the incoming government prepares to govern Nigeria’s troubled political terrain, the litmus test of good governance will be how they manage the oil and gas sector. Here are my questions for Buhari:

1. Will it continue to be business as usual for the state oil company?

The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the state-owned oil company, controls vast resources, including the payment of all production and transaction costs relating to petroleum extraction and sales, even before the lodgement of oil receipts is made to the national coffers. But the rot caused by its duality of functions as both regulatory agency and marketing outfit for Nigeria’s petroleum makes it a weak institution.
Various controversies have hit the NNPC in the past few years, including a damaging forensic audit conducted by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) at the behest of the federal government. This resulted in an order to refund about $1.48bn. But there are already signs of change. In March, the minister of petroleum resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke announced that the NNPC has started refunding the $1.48bn, although how this has been refunded is yet to be disclosed.

2. How can justice be served by the oil spill investigation system?

When an oil spill occurs (there have been at least 400 spills a year in Nigeria since 2007), the company concerned is required to report it to the government body, the National Oil Spill Detention and Response Agency (Nosdra). A joint investigation visit (Jiv) is then organised. However, because Nosdra is under-resourced and lacks capacity, it is unable to detect oil spills independently. Instead, it relies on the oil companies to lead the Jiv process in preparing the logistics, selecting experts and conducting spills assessments.
A 2013 Amnesty International report called this system “wholly unreliable as a basis for making claims about the cause of oil spills”. Prior to that, in 2011, the United Environment Programme (Unep) concluded that “government agencies are at the mercy of oil companies when it comes to conducting site inspections”.
The incoming government must equip the Nosdra to be more functional and alert to its statutory roles and responsibilities. Conversations with senior Nosdra officials revealed frustration that the agency continues to record abysmal oversight functions because it has neither the capacity to detect oil spills nor organise a rapid response to curtail them.

3. Who is afraid of oil extraction metering?

The volume of oil extraction in Nigeria is virtually unknown or undisclosed. The figures disclosed publicly refer to just the volume of oil offered for sale at the export terminal and other points of sale, which on average is about 2.4 million barrels per day (mbpd).
The outgoing administration aspired to increase crude oil production to about 4mbpd. Many concerned citizens, however, believe the government is already fulfilling its aspirations because the amount of oil extracted per day is well beyond 2.4mbpd.
There are several levels of oil theft. Some is high-level, geared mainly towards export for international markets. Other oil theft takes place more locally, with oil diverted for local refineries, put through a distillation process and consumed locally. Artisanal refineries operated by local unemployed young people dot the landscape anywhere that oil can be found in the creeks and upland.
While these small refineries account for 20% of the oil theft market, major theft organised crime accounts for about 80%, and continues to thrive. It is responsible for about 400,000-500,000 barrel losses per day, according to Oilprice.com, and accounts for more than $ 1.7 bn per month in illicit trade. The government will do well in the short term to recoup these losses for national development.
A careful calculation of the oil extraction flows show monumental losses between the crude oil wellheads to the flow stations and export terminals. This indicates that Nigeria is nearing its aspiration of 4mbpd, if it is not surpassed already. It is puzzling and remains an act of irresponsibility that oil companies in Nigeria oppose digital metering of crude oil pipelines in the Niger Delta.
In a world of technology-driven extraction, real-time digital metering for flow calculations and security video surveillance systems with CCTV are being deployed in countriessuch as the US and Germany. Measuring and monitoring in this way aims to prevent pipeline vandalism and crude oil theft, which has become rampant in Nigeria. Resistance and failure to meter the pipeline route means that vested interests in government and oil companies allow oil theft to continue to hold sway.

4. How will you compensate those affected by oil spills and environmental degradation?

There is enormous waste through spills, leaks and blowouts. The Shell Bonga spill in December 2012 spewed out 40,000 barrels of crude oil. Chevron’s gas rig explosion caused a 46-day fire from January to March in 2012, prompting a $3bn fine. There are about 10,000 oil spill sites in the Niger Delta, the equivalent of one Valdez disaster per year, and they are rarely adequately cleaned up.
Meanwhile, desertification has ravaged the 11 frontline states in northern Nigeria so much so that land for crop farming and grazing land for pastoralists have come under intense pressure. This has resulted in violent conflicts and deaths. The battle between Fulani herdsmen and farmers over land that was once limited to northern Nigeria is spewing to the southern regions, resulting in serious loss of livelihoods. In addition, stemming the tide of deforestation – at a rate of 4.2 %, which represents one of the highest rates in the world – may require declaring a national environmental disaster in the Niger Delta.
The government should introduce a national basic income scheme of about N10,000, payable on a monthly basis to all Nigerians who are unemployed or has suffered from environmental degradation. This should be irrespective of whether the environmental degradation was caused naturally, by the extractive industries, or by climate change. Such social security in a country where income disparity is high and the gap between rich and poor is widening has the promise to unlock creative potentials. It could also reduce crime and foster national cohesion and harmony, which are necessary building blocks to shore up citizens’ morale and patriotism.

5. Can the government ensure Nigerians have access to energy?

From the common citizen’s perspective, the Buhari regime will probably be rated by how the administration has in the end, advanced the quest for a steady and uninterrupted power supply, instead of our current epileptic electricity from the national grid.
Although Nigeria has the capacity to generate 10,000 megawatts, its daily supply hovers between 2,500 megawatts to 3,800 megawatts, and demand far outstrips supply. For the average Nigerian, the privatisation and sale of the national electricity firm to cronies within and outside of government has failed to produce the projected benefits. The obsession for increased tariffs and fixed rates for mere possession of meter without electricity delivery must be abolished. However, in the APC-led government-in waiting is indicating that it will seek foreign direct investment in our economy, rather than look for alternatives.
So what positive signs are there for transformative change? Buhari has made at least two important commitments in his victory acceptance speech. One is the pledge to work in consultation with civil society groups and the other is a willingness to combat climate change. But transforming the economy and steering it away from oil dependency is a more challenging and forward-looking project. Although Nigeria’s oil receipts account for about 80% of national income, the transition from dirty energy such as oil and gas, tar sands and other unconventional oil and fossils fuels must begin in earnest, with the quest for alternatives in renewable sources of energy such as solar, wind and other non-grid systems.

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.