'Our purity is above 99%' – the Chinese labs churning out legal highs for the west .

Chinese factories are mass producing novel psychoactive substances that mimic banned substances, destined for an eager market in the US and UK
legal highs drugs China
Time magazine called China the ‘new front in the global drug war’, as local labs are willing to churn out legal highs to ship abroad to the US, the UK and Europe. Photograph: Nicola Davison for the Guardian
At the Chemsun Global pharmaceutical laboratory in an industrial park in Shanghai, the smell of fumes is so intense it leaves a bitter, chemical aftertaste in your mouth. At midnight on a recent Friday, a Chinese chemist who called himself Terry was eager to close a deal.

In the laboratory outside, a bright yellow liquid whirred around a flask. The place was filthy: surfaces were strewn with discarded rubber gloves and in one corner a sack of white powder spilled onto the floor.
I was there to “inspect” the lab, to take stock of the wooden barrels full of drugs, but Terry wasn’t interested in small talk. “You just take the samples, right?” he said, near shouting. “Let’s just be quick. Tell me what you want, how much you want, then we can talk about price, we can talk about shipment.”
In the last decade, the global trade in drugs has changed in profound and unpredictable ways. The reality of drugs in the digital age is that on deep web markets any illegal drug, from marijuana to methamphetamine, is a click or two away.
China legal highs
The production process for a legal high. Photograph: Nicola Davison for the Guardian
Meanwhile the newly interconnected, globalised drugs scene has grown too complex and fractured for existing laws to control – a situation vividly illustrated by the rapid emergence of “legal highs”, or what official bodies call novel psychoactive substances (NPS).
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Legal highs are chemical compounds synthesised in labs that stimulate or depress the central nervous system in a way that mimics banned substances such as cannabis or cocaine. Chemists tinker with the structure of NPS compounds so that they fall outside international drug controls – at least when they first emerge.
And more of them are reaching the market every year: since 2009, the number, type and availability of these drugs has seen an “unprecedented increase”, according to a report by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA). Scores of new substances are reported in Europe and the US each year, and drug control agencies have now categorised more than 400 substances.
Drug policies in consumer countries such as the US and UK were conceived long before the internet and globalisation radically transformed the drugs market.
The deluge of toxic substances, hyperventilating media coverage and a recent spate of hospitalisations have shattered any illusion of government control.
In the last month, New York, Mississippi and Alabama have all issued state health alerts following a dramatic rise in NPS overdoses, while Arizona, Florida, New Jersey and Texas report a similar surge. In Tuscaloosa County, Alabama, where one person died and two dozen were hospitalised after taking “spice,” police declared a public safety crisis.
Curtailing NPS has been a “priority” for the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) since 2012, but last year one in five Americans told the Global Drugs Survey that they had taken a legal high in the last year – more than any other country in the world.
spice drug legal highs
A pack of Spice Gold. Photograph: Alicia Canter for the Guardian
All this has happened in a relatively short time. The mass production of legal highs began only in 2008, when UN drugs officials destroyed 33 tonnes of safrole oil, a precursor of MDMA, in Cambodia.
As MDMA stocks in Europe dwindled, suppliers shopped around for an alternative – and found mephedrone, a substance that was chemically similar to MDMA but not controlled in the UK. For the two years before it was banned, users could not get enough of this cheap, cocaine-meets-ecstasy high.
Pharmaceutical companies such as Pfizer originally developed synthetic cannabinoids – drugs designed to mimic the effect of cannabis – as research tools to investigate the mechanisms of the brain’s endocannabinoid system for clinical therapy.
Vendors began trawling obscure scientific journals for compounds, consumers described their highs on online drug forums, and the nascent market took shape. Wholesale importers in the UK, US and Europe put in bulk orders from chemical companies to be delivered through the post or by international couriers.
China has long been the world’s factory for anything from iPhones to Christmas tree lights, so it was perhaps inevitable that it would fill the same role for drugs: local labs churn out huge amounts of chemicals for legitimate pharmaceutical or industrial purposes – so it was not hard for importers to find dozens of firms in Shanghai able to produce vast quantities of legal highs.
Local officials, if adequately bribed, would look the other way; the Chinese government was more concerned with rising domestic consumption of banned drugs than chemicals that are legal and headed abroad.
China, as one headline in Time magazine put it, soon became the “new front in the global drug war”.
I had been emailing another Shanghai chemist named “Charles” for months about a hypothetical order of a cannabinoid called AB-Chminaca (AB-C), a substance which is banned in the US, but not the UK. The headquarters of his company is on the 12th floor of a near-deserted office building on the edge of the city. On arrival, I am ushered into a meeting room and given a paper cup of steaming, loose-leaf green tea.
Charles’s company will sell 1kg of AB-C for £1,120 ($1,720). On a UK vendor site, 10g costs £60 ($92). Based on this sales price, the vendor makes £4,880 ($7,500) profit per kilogramme before shipping, processing and packaging.
I ask whether Charles can guarantee delivery. “We divide into one kilo packages and can ship all in one day,” he says. “If you write down a couple of addresses, I can deliver 50 kilos.”
After a lunch of prawns with rice noodles and pumpkin – Charles chain smokes throughout – we drive across the city to an industrial park in the district of Pudong.
At the door a chubby woman in her 30s with cropped hair and a white coat greets us: she is the head chemist. We walk through a spotless lab of quietly industrious technicians (“I like a clean lab, I’m a girl,” says the chemist) to an expensive-looking machine that performs gas chromatography-mass spectrometry analysis. “Our purity is above 99%,” she says with pride.
A large plastic bag contains some 50 samples of off-white powders and crystals – stimulants, depressants, opioids. We sit down to talk. “I’m afraid this [compound] is not good,” the chemist says in accented English. “Firstly, somebody give us the feedback that it’s not strong. Second, it seems it has already [caused] dead in Russia. Do you know the news? So why do you still want it?”
She has a theory that the drug’s uneven performance is the result of clumsy synthesis, of molecules substituted in the wrong places. Does she know anything about its potency? “We know nothing about the performance side,” she says, hastily. “We are just chemists.”
AB-C was first mentioned on drugs forums in early 2014. As a synthetic cannabinoid it is one of the most popular types of NPS and is a derivative, or close chemical cousin, of AB-Fubinaca, a substance banned in February 2014 in the US.
Cannabinoids are designed to work in the same way as tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), the constituent of cannabis that acts on receptors in the brain to produce a psychoactive effect, or a high.
Today they are typically dissolved in solvents and sprayed on plant material before being packaged in 1g-3g foil packets with brand names such as Spice, K2 and Herbal Haze. They are labelled as “incense”, “research chemicals” or “potpourri” and marked not for human consumption so as to be sold legally in convenience stores, head shops or online. Vendors do not include dosage advice to avoid condoning use and breaking the law.
In order to keep ahead of legal control, the NPS market must constantly evolve: a small variation on the chemical structure of a banned drug allows the new substance to skirt most legislation – but this tiniest molecular tweak can create a drug with dramatically different psychoactive effects.
AB-C is active at a far lower dose than its parent compound, so mistakes are easily made. In a February post on an online drug forum, one user – who described himself as “very experienced” – described his accidental overdose of AB-C: “I drop onto my bed, towel over my face, wet hair, wet body, split naked, open windows at freezing point, blankets underneith [sic] me, I couldn’t care less. I’m so stoned, so so stoned … Am I gonna die?”
legal highs drugs
AB-Chminaca, one of the most popular types of legal highs. Photograph: Nicola Davison for the Guardian
Under a haze of misinformation, the reality is that most people smoke whatever “spice” comes in the packet.
On 2 April, Alan Jones, chair of the emergency department at the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson, received a phone call from a nurse in the ER. “She told me that we were receiving our fourth patient by ambulance who had reportedly used spice – the fourth patient in two hours,” he said. “We don’t typically see that.”
Over the next 72 hours, a further 25 patients arrived, and Dr Jones notified the state health department. “I have been working in emergency medicine for almost 20 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” he says.
Since early April, more than 500 people from almost every county in Mississippi have sought emergency medical treatment after overdosing on spice. The youngest patient seen at the hospital was 14.
Most arrive hallucinating, agitated and profusely sweating. Often, because they are confused, they are violent. “A couple of patients have had problems with their breathing – not breathing sufficiently to maintain life,” Dr Jones says.
A toxicological analysis of the Mississippi compound identified MAB-Chminaca, an AB-C derivative.
Since the DEA first encountered AB-C in March 2014 it has caused at least four deaths in the US. Adverse effects from taking the drug includes coma, loss of motor control, difficulty breathing and convulsions, according to the DEA notice that temporarily banned AB-C and two other cannabinoids in December 21014. (AB-C is legal to sell in the UK.)
Soon after the ban, users of online drug forums started discussing which compounds could be “compared to or better than” AB-C. MAB-Chminaca was considered a sound alternative, and the endless “game of whack-a-mole”, as one DEA official has put it, continued.
hospital legal highs
‘I have been working in emergency medicine for almost 20 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this’, said Jackson doctor when nearly 30 patients arrived within 72 hours after overdosing on ‘spice’. Photograph: Thomas Wells/Reuters
The emergence of NPS has created an unprecedented challenge for drug policymakers worldwide. The current global prohibition on drugs was established by UN treaties dating back to the 1960s and has been incorporated into the domestic laws of 150 countries. Its roots are in the US prohibition of alcohol 1920-32, a costly experiment that failed to stop people drinking and instead fuelled a black market in moonshine run by rapacious gangs.
In 1971, US president Richard Nixon rebranded prohibition as a “war on drugs”.
Within prohibition, the UK and US use subtly different legislation, though neither approach has successfully stemmed NPS.
The US “analogue” controls can designate a substance not named in legislation illegal if it is “substantially similar” to a drug already controlled – a system criticised for being ambiguous.
In contrast, the UK’s “generic” controls list individual drugs or families on the recommendation of the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD), a body of scientists, academics, police and other experts.
But this system proved too clunky – it could take months for the experts to conclude a drug was unsafe – so in 2011 the UK introduced new measures called Temporary Class Drug Orders, allowing the government to temporarily ban a substance while evaluating its harms. Despite these measures, only 60% of known cannabinoids are currently controlled in the UK.
 
theguardian.

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Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.

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