Situation Report: Confusion in Iraq; the bin Laden data dump; losing the information war in the Mideast; and more.










 
 

 
 


Remember earlier this week when the New York Times and the Washington Post -- going on information provided by unnamed U.S. officials -- told us that the Islamic State used the cover of a sandstorm to avoid coalition airstrikes while taking Ramadi?

It was a unique and fascinating narrative. Literally the fog of war. But now another official tells us it didn’t happen.

Briefing reporters at the Pentagon on Wednesday, Central Command spokesman Col. Patrick Ryder abruptly changed course on that story, saying that there was only “minor dust and haze,” over the weekend in Ramadi that had “zero impact,” on coalition air operations.

In fact, stats released by the U.S. military show that the coalition launched 15 airstrikes against Islamic State targets in and around Ramadi on May 16 and 17 during the heaviest of the fighting, with no mention of sandstorms curtailing those operations.

Sandstorm or no, exhausted Iraqi troops who had been holding the city for more than a year finally broke when an estimated 30 car bombs ripped apart their leadership structure, and a wave of determined fighters surged at them.

War is complicated. It’s a chaotic, multilayered rush of events that despite our best efforts rarely follows a linear path. But the story being offered by American officials on what’s happening in Iraq has been changing so often, and so quickly, that it’s bordering on incredulity.

Earlier this month, for example, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. Martin Dempsey and Pentagon spokesman Col. Steve Warren offered diametrically opposed views of how critical the oil refinery at Baiji was to Iraqi security. That came after Dempsey downplayed the significance of Ramadi, only to have it now emerge as the major line of effort.

And just two days before Ramadi fell on May 17, Marine Corps Brig. Gen. Thomas Weidley gave an optimistic briefing to the press insisting that the Islamic State is “on the defensive” across Iraq, and that he expected Iraqi forces to soon push them out of Anbar capital.

But the fall of Ramadi and the Syrian city of Palmyra this week undercuts that, as does a far more dire assessment from a State Department official who told reporters Wednesday that “nobody is kidding themselves about what ISIL was able to pull off” in Ramadi. The official added that the Islamic State is “better in every respect” than the al Qaeda enemy that U.S. forces battled in Iraq over the last decade.

Defense Secretary Ash Carter has said relatively little publicly about Iraq, and has fielded even fewer questions. Three months into the job he has yet to appoint a spokesperson for his office to help coordinate the message. Would that smoothe over the competing narratives about the fluid fight in Iraq? Hard to say. And more voices on the ground are always a good thing. If the stories hold up.

Oh, and in Moscow: And while all this is happening, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is in Moscow for meetings with President Vladimir Putin to discuss security cooperation and potential arms deals. The U.S. announced Wednesday it will send one thousand anti-tank weapons to Iraq as soon as possible to help combat the captured military vehicles that Islamic State is turning into suicide bombs on wheels.

More than bathroom reading. Among other highbrow reads, Foreign Policy magazine was on Osama bin Laden's bookshelf. On Wednesday, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence released a trove of documents grabbed by the Navy SEALS who raided his Abbottabad compound in May 2011, and FP dove right in. Some highlights:

David Francis on Al Qaeda’s Blueprint For How To Start a Homegrown Terror Franchise

Benjamin Soloway on bin Laden’s Odd Religious Library

Siobhan O’Grady on Osama bin Laden Was a Francophile

David Francis again on Have What it Takes to be in Al Qaeda? Apply here

Francis just couldn’t get enough. Here he is on Osama bin Laden’s Letter to the American People

Welcome to a very special edition of the Situation Report where we celebrate the fact that it’s Thursday. A day out from a long weekend is all the reason we need, friends. Whatcha got? Let us know at paul.mcleary@foreignpolicy.com or on Twitter: @paulmcleary

The White House pushed back on a claim by North Korea on Wednesday that the hermit kingdom has developed the tech to miniaturize nuclear weapons, an important step in developing a nuclear missile. “Our assessment of North Korea’s nuclear capabilities has not changed,” White House spokesman Patrick Ventrell said in an e-mail to FPs John Hudson. “We do not think that they have that capacity.”

FP’s Sean Naylor is down in Tampa at the annual Special Operations Forces Industry Conference, which for SitRep’s money is hands down the most enjoyable defense conference of the year. (Think nightly booze cruises, Special Ops combat assault demonstrations in the canal next to the Tampa Convention Center, and dinners in Ybor City.) But there’s also business being conducted.

Naylor tells us that Army Brig. Gen. Kurt Crytzer, the deputy commanding general in charge of U.S. special operations forces in the Middle East, said the United States' information campaign in the region is so weak that many Iraqi troops believe American forces are secretly supplying the Islamic State. “Our adversaries are constantly one step ahead of us in the IO realm,” said, using the acronym for information operations.

Who’s Where When

10:00 a.m. Cédric Schweizer, head of delegation in Yemen for the International Committee of the Red Cross, will speak at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

11:00 a.m Iraq’s ambassador to the U.S. Lukman Faily (@FailyLukman) is taking part in a Twitter Q&A hosted by Michael Hanna (@mwhanna1) - Senior Fellow, The Century Foundation.

Mali

French special forces have killed two key jihadi leaders, the Lebanon Daily Star reports. Four militants were killed, one of whom is “believed to have masterminded the kidnapping of two French journalists who were murdered in Mali in 2013.”

Asia

The U.S. and about 20 of its Asian allies are hashing out how to better integrate their amphibious forces on tactical deployments in the Pacific, Tim Kelly reports for Reuters. The meeting is the “first of its kind,” according to a senior U.S. official, who added that China was not invited to the party.

France

They may have Airbus, but they still want American planes. At least, that’s what Pierre Tran from Defense News reports. President Francois Hollande has announced a $4.2 billion increase in military spending between 2016 and 2019, which includes an extra $1.7 billion to acquire additional equipment, including the C-130 Hercules.

Middle East

Since early November, three Marine Corps tilt-rotor Ospreys and about two dozen Marines have been on constant standby in Kuwait in case a coalition warplane went down in Iraq or Afghanistan. And on 29 different occasions between November and April, the birds and grunts went airborne to loiter nearby in case something went wrong, for a total of 145 air missions. The team is part of a Special Purpose Marine Air Ground Task Force Crisis Response Central Command, Richard Whittle reports for Breaking Defense.

The Islamic State has gained control of Palmyra, witnesses told the BBC. The UNESCO heritage site has already been subject to heavy shelling from both Islamic State terrorists and pro-Assad militia.

Think Tanked

The Wilson Center’s Marina Ottaway has a new paper out: “Stark Choice in Iraq,” which argues that U.S. officials have been “deluding themselves that they can fight ISIS in Iraq without cooperating with the Shiite militias and Iran. The defeat in Ramadi proves them wrong. The goal of the new intervention in Iraq is to defeat ISIS. The United States needs to focus on that goal and work with the militias, or get out.”

Making Moves
Stephen C. Hedger has been nominated by the White House to be the next Assistant Secretary of Defense for Legislative Affairs. He has been serving as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Legislative Affairs at the Department since April-FOREIGN POLICY.
     

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Sandhurst's sheikhs: Why do so many Gulf royals receive military training in the UK? A parade outside the building at Sandhurst Continue reading the main story In today's Magazine The death list that names 5,000 victims Is this woman an apostate? Voices from a WW1 prison camp The Swiss selfie scandal Generations of foreign royals - particularly from the Middle East - have learned to be military leaders at the UK's Sandhurst officer training academy. But is that still a good idea, asks Matthew Teller. Since 1812, the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, on the Surrey/Berkshire border, has been where the British Army trains its officers. It has a gruelling 44-week course testing the physical and intellectual skills of officer cadets and imbuing them with the values of the British Army. Alongside would-be British officers, Sandhurst has a tradition of drawing cadets from overseas. Many of the elite families of the Middle East have sent their sons and daughters. Perhaps the most notable was King Hussein of Jordan. Continue reading the main story Find out more Matthew Teller presents Sandhurst and the Sheikhs, a Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4, on Wednesday 27 August 2014 at 11:00 BST It will be available on iPlayer shortly after broadcast Four reigning Arab monarchs are graduates of Sandhurst and its affiliated colleges - King Abdullah of Jordan, King Hamad of Bahrain, Sheikh Tamim, Emir of Qatar, and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Past monarchs include Sheikh Saad, Emir of Kuwait, and Sheikh Hamad, Emir of Qatar. Sandhurst's links have continued from the time when Britain was the major colonial power in the Gulf. "One thing the British were excellent at was consolidating their rule through spectacle," says Habiba Hamid, former foreign policy strategist to the rulers of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. "Pomp, ceremony, displays of military might, shock and awe - they all originate from the British military relationship." Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa, King Abdullah, Sultan Qaboos Sandhurst alumni: King Hamad of Bahrain, King Abdullah of Jordan and Sultan Qaboos of Oman It's a place where future leaders get to know each other, says Michael Stephens, deputy director of the Royal United Services Institute, Qatar. And Sandhurst gives the UK influence in the Gulf. "The [UK] gets the kind of attention from Gulf policy elites that countries of our size, like France and others, don't get. It gives us the ability to punch above our weight. "You have people who've spent time in Britain, they have… connections to their mates, their teachers. Familiarity in politics is very beneficial in the Gulf context." "For British people who are drifting around the world, as I did as a soldier," says Brigadier Peter Sincock, former defence attache to Saudi Arabia, "you find people who were at Sandhurst and you have an immediate rapport. I think that's very helpful, for example, in the field of military sales." The Emir of Dubai Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum with his son after his Passing Out Parade at Sandhurst in 2006 Sheikh Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai, with his son in uniform at Sandhurst in 2006 Her Majesty The Queen's Representative His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, The Emir of Qatar inspects soldiers during the 144th Sovereign's Parade held at The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst on April 8, 2004 in Camberley, England. Some 470 Officer cadets took part of which 219 were commissioned into the British Army Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar until 2013, inspects soldiers at Sandhurst in 2004 Emotion doesn't always deliver. In 2013, despite the personal intervention of David Cameron, the UAE decided against buying the UK's Typhoon fighter jets. But elsewhere fellow feeling is paying dividends. "The Gulf monarchies have become important sources of capital," says Jane Kinninmont, deputy head of the Middle East/North Africa programme at the foreign affairs think tank Chatham House. "So you see the tallest building in London being financed by the Qataris, you see UK infrastructure and oilfield development being financed by the UAE. There's a desire - it can even seem like a desperation - to keep them onside for trade reasons." British policy in the Gulf is primarily "mercantile", says Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, of the Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. Concerns over human rights and reform are secondary. The Shard at dusk The Shard was funded by Qatari investors In 2012 Sandhurst accepted a £15m donation from the UAE for a new accommodation block, named the Zayed Building after that country's founding ruler. In March 2013, Sandhurst's Mons Hall - a sports centre - was reopened as the King Hamad Hall, following a £3m donation from the monarch of Bahrain, who was educated at one of Sandhurst's affiliated colleges. The renaming proved controversial, partly because of the perceived slight towards the 1,600 British casualties at the Battle of Mons in August 1914 - and partly because of how Hamad and his government have dealt with political protest in Bahrain over the last three years. A critic might note that the third term of Sandhurst's Officer Commissioning Course covers counter-insurgency techniques and ways to manage public disorder. Since tension between Bahrain's majority Shia population and minority Sunni ruling elite boiled over in 2011, more than 80 civilians have died at the hands of the security forces, according to opposition estimates, though the government disputes the figures. Thirteen police officers have also lost their lives in the clashes. "The king has always felt that Sandhurst was a great place," says Sincock, chairman of the Bahrain Society, which promotes friendship between the UK and Bahrain. "Something like 20 of his immediate family have been there as cadets. He didn't really understand why there was such an outcry." David Cameron and King Hamad David Cameron meeting King Hamad in 2012... A protester is held back by police ... while protesters nearby opposed the Bahrain ruler's human rights record Crispin Black, a Sandhurst graduate and former instructor, says the academy should not have taken the money. "Everywhere you look there's a memorial to something, a building or a plaque that serves as a touchstone that takes you right to the heart of British military history. Calling this hall 'King Hamad Hall' ain't gonna do that." Sandhurst gave a written response to the criticism. "All donations to Sandhurst are in compliance with the UK's domestic and international legal obligations and our values as a nation. Over the years donations like this have saved the UK taxpayer a considerable amount of money." But what happens when Sandhurst's friends become enemies? In 2001, then-prime minister Tony Blair visited Damascus, marking a warming of relations between the UK and Syria. Shortly after, in 2003, Sandhurst was training officers from the Syrian armed forces. Now, of course, Syria is an international pariah. Journalist Michael Cockerell has written about Libyan dictator Colonel Gaddafi's time at the Army School of Education in Beaconsfield in 1966: "Three years [later], Gaddafi followed a tradition of foreign officers trained by the British Army. He made use of his newfound knowledge to seize political power in his own country." Ahmed Ali Sandhurst-trained Ahmed Ali was a key player in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi That tradition persists. In the 1990s Egyptian colonel Ahmed Ali attended Sandhurst. In 2013 he was one of the key figures in the Egyptian military's removal of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, now rewarded by a post in President Sisi's inner circle of advisers. In the late 1990s there were moves by the British government under Tony Blair to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets. Major-General Arthur Denaro, Middle East adviser to the defence secretary and commandant at Sandhurst in the late 1990s, describes the idea as part of the "ethical foreign policy" advocated by the late Robin Cook, then-foreign secretary. Tony Blair and Robin Cook Tony Blair and Robin Cook at one point planned to end Sandhurst's training of overseas cadets The funeral of King Hussein in 1999 appears to have scuppered the plan. "Coming to that funeral were the heads of state of almost every country in the world - and our prime minister was there, Tony Blair," says Major-General Denaro. "He happened to see me talking to heads of state - the Sultan of Brunei, the Sultan of Oman, the Bahrainis, the Saudis - and he said 'How do you know all these guys?' The answer was because they went to Sandhurst." Today, Sandhurst has reportedly trained more officer cadets from the UAE than from any other country bar the UK. The May 2014 intake included 72 overseas cadets, around 40% of whom were from the Middle East. "In the future," says Maryam al-Khawaja, acting president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, "people will look back at how much Britain messed up in the [Middle East] because they wanted to sell more Typhoon jets to Bahrain, rather than stand behind the values of human rights and democracy." "It's one thing saying we're inculcating benign values, but that's not happening," says Habiba Hamid. Sandhurst is "a relic of the colonial past. They're not [teaching] the civic values we ought to find in democratically elected leaders." line Who else went to Sandhurst? Princes William and Harry, Winston Churchill, Ian Fleming, Katie Hopkins, Antony Beevor, James Blunt, Josh Lewsey, Devon Harris (From left to right) Princes William and Harry Sir Winston Churchill Ian Fleming, creator of James Bond (but did not complete training) Katie Hopkins, reality TV star Antony Beevor, historian James Blunt, singer-songwriter Josh Lewsey, World Cup-winning England rugby player Devon Harris, member of Jamaica's first bobsleigh team line Sandhurst says that "building international relations through military exchanges and education is a key pillar of the UK's international engagement strategy". Sandhurst may be marvellous for the UK, a country where the army is subservient to government, but it is also delivering militarily-trained officers to Middle Eastern monarchies where, often, armies seem to exist to defend not the nation but the ruling family.